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Mating Tha 


Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural Association 

New York 


- 1 





Copyright © 2009 
All Rights Reserved 
\ ISBN 0-9726465-1-5 


This edition is the sequel of Rakhaing Guardian, a half- 
yearly bilingual periodical, published by the Buddhist 
Rakhaing Cultural Association, a non-profit organization in 
New York City. 

To my parents 

I have the pleasure to record my thanks to my family for 
valuable contribution. I am thankftil to members and friends 
of the Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural Association for their 

























Appendix I 92 

Appendix II 99 

Appendix III 100 

Appendix IV 104 

Bibliography 105 







The term as known to the Europeans denotes 
the erstwhile kingdom of Rakhaing, which 
locally called Rakhaing Pray or Rakhaing 
land, is now part of the Union of Burma. 

Indigenous inhabitants of Rakhaing or 
Arakan, who are exclusively Buddhist and 
ethnically Mongoloid. 

A country in Southeast Asia, which is known 
as Myanmar in the native tradition. 

An ethnic group of Burma , who are called 
Bama locally; and the citizenry of Burma 
in general. 

East Bengal Part of British India, which became East 
Pakistan in 1947, and Bangladesh in 1971. 

A native of Bengal, rather East Bengal. 

Maghs/Mughs/ The name is contemptuously applied to the 
Maughs Rakhaings or Arakanese by the Bengalis. 

Mujtahid The predecessor of so-called Rohingya, 

Rakhaing The term is the ancient name of the territory, 
natives and language of Arakan. But it was 
misstated by the Muslim manipulators as 
the recently innovated name, in the context 
of a politically motivated strategy, to 
galvanize the Islamist separatist movement. 
Regrettably, the Western writers and 

10 Glossaiy 

journalists of today daftly followed suit, 
while classic hisiorian ArlhuT P. Phayre, who 
is regarded as one of the most respected 
scholars and standard-bearers in so far as 
the matter concerns Rakhaing, explicates : 

The country known in Europe as Arakan 
extends for 350 miles along the eastern 
shore of the bay of Bengal. It is called by 
the natives Rakhaingpyi, or land of the 
Rakhaing. ' 

The word Rakhaing for the country is 
undoubtedly ancient,... 

Rohingya The term Rohingya is never known to 

history nor it is ever recorded in the official 
documents as the designation of a Muslim 
coterie in Rakhaing, ostensibly cross-bred hy 
Arab castaways. It is only a belied term 
employed by the alien Muslim separatists, 
with the object of advancing a legal claim 
to ethnic grouping of the Union of Burma. 
The Imperialist British, who ruled the Indian 
Empire, named them Chittagonians after the 
Chittagong District of East Bengal, where 
from they originated. The term Rohingya, 
therefore, is synonym of alien Chittagonian 
separatists or jihadist Mujtahid. 

The main indigenous ethnic groups of the Union of Burma: 
Bam a, Rakhaing, Shan, Mon, Karen, Chin, 
Kachin and FCayah. 


"The Piltdown Man", a scientific forgery, was 
speculated in 1912 as the missing link between man and the 
apes. The paleontological hoax was finally uncovered in 
1953. Now there is "The Rohingya", an ethnological fraud, 
which claimed to be the hybrid race of Arabs, has fooled the 
public since the 1950s, having concocted the far-fetched 
shipwreck story. The international community, who were 
prone to deceit, seemed to have the least notion of what was 
encapsulated in the humbug wangled by the illegal 
immigrant Muslims from the Chittagong District of East 

The risible claim, which was pivoted on shipwrecked 
Arabs, the alleged progenitors of soi-disant Rohingya, was a 
classic example of deception and intrigue devised by the 
pugnacious Chittagonian Muslims, who cast about for a 
dog's chance to win a free Islamic enclave in the Rakhaing 
state, the northwest region of the Union of Burma, which 
adjoins the Bengali land, presently Bangladesh. Wily as was 
their strategy, the Chittagonian separatists, who were beset 
by identity crisis and known for a history of frequent change 
and gimmick, were seized with an impulse to inter their 
Bengali identity and nicknamed themselves Rohingya in 
pretence of a new race, distinct from the Bengali strain, in 
ordeT to give a legitimate reason for the institutionalization 
of them as an ethnic group of Burma in support of their 
demand for the Muslim state. The farcical claim does not 
bear out what it was professed. 

It is time to divulge the Rohingya hoax, the product 
of Chittagonian rascals, in virtue of evidence rested upon 
the basis of historical documents and official records, 
probing the core of the claim as to who the purported 


12 A Note from the Author 

Rohingya are, and where they came from, whether their 
ancestry originated in the far-away land of Arabs or the near- 
at-hand Bengali land of over population and grinding 
poverty so that their true identity is unveiled; hence, 
expurgation of the fraudulent claim once and for all 

Abraham Lincoln says: 

Vfiu ran fool some of the people all of the time, 

And all of the people some of the time, 
But you can not fool all of the people all of the time. 

Washington, D.C. 


The paltry subterfuge of an imaginary people was 
hyperbolized in so much profusion that it has profoundly 
suffused into confusion of the general public, people of the 
Western world in particular. No wonder that the image of 
fictional Rohingya, which was feigned to attain the legal 
status of immigrant Bengali Muslims, gained favour of 
apologists and liberal ists. Adapted to a culture of deceit the 
Chiftagonian separatists gussied up their claim in fancy and 
finesse, distorting nebulous events of history convenient for 
the Rohingya chicanery. The purveyors of lies did not need 
facts to hoodwink the general public, It is pretty simple to 
spot the wile, if one would only go back to history. 

Rakhaing, a traditional Buddhist land, has been in 
the Islamic phantasm for centuries. Rambunctious as it has 
been in the time since the demise of monarchy, the woeful 
state of affairs of Rakhaing, to the gravest extent imaginable, 
was aggravated by transplant Chittagonian Bengalis who 
toyed with the idea of gaining dominion over the land, which 
the Muslims had failed to materialize in the past centuries; 
but their aspiration, the sequel of long-run objective to fulfill 
the Islamic inspiration, did not die. They continued to 
activize the growing breath of the preordained ambition in 
capricious strategy and freakish tactics. 

Lying on the ea$tem shore of the Bay of Bengal, the 
land of Rakhaing was once a sovereign kingdom, with a 
history of thousands of glorious years. It was composed of 
four geopolitical regions, viz., Dhinmyawaddy (Mrauk-U), 
Rammawaddy (Ramree Is.), Dwarawaddy (Sandoway) and 
Maygawaddy (Cheduba Is.). At the height of its glory and 
sea power the kingdom reigned supreme in the east coast of 
the Bay and held sway over parts of East Bengal, which 


1 4 Preface 

comprised the greater portion of present day Bangladesh, It 
also imposed its power on the bounds of Burmese kingdom. 
The prosperous kingdom, however, did not survive the 
ravages of time. The kingdom's very success contributed to 
its fall It ceased to exist in 1785 at the ultimate conquest by 
the juxtaposed Burmese kingdom, which in turn fell to a 
British colony, consequent upon the first Anglo-Burmese 
war of 1824-26. During the British rule of Burma, the 
Rakhaing land became the Arakan Division, which was 
divided into three Districts, namely, Akyab, Kyaukpru and 
Sandoway. In the aftermath of national independence from 
the British in 1948, the land of Rakhaing was belatedly 
constituted as a state in the Union of Burma. 

When Burma secured independence from the British, 
they left behind a large community of alien Indians, Hindus 
and Muslims, who were imported into Burma to serve the 
vested interests of British colonialists. The Rakhaing land, 
bounded by the Chittagong District of East Bengal, was 
worse off than any other part of the Union, with the 
presence of a large number of immigrant Muslims, who were 
Bengali in blood and spirit. The ethnical, linguistic, cultural, 
religious, political and geographical ties held the 
Chittagonian immigrants together with the people of their 
old country. Upon formal nationalization and indigenization 
that followed independence nearly all the immigrant Hindus 
and most Muslims left the country while the Chittagonian 
Bengalis stayed behind to carry out their base agenda, who 
were inspired by the Islamic nationalism which called into 
being the Muslim nation of Pakistan in former British India. 

In the years immediately following the end of the Second 
World War, and as Burma neared the day of independence, 
hence at the prospect of statehood for the Rakliaings, their 
ancestral land was convulsed by the impact of Islamist 

Preface 1 5 

belligerency effectuated by alien Chittagonians, who branded 
as "The Mujtahid" (Allah's Fighters) and, with the support 
and directions from abroad, embarked upon a preconcerted 
separatist movement, pursuing a dual agenda of 
insurrectional and constitutional nature to start up an 
autonomous Muslim state, which they schemed to accede to 
their former homeland. The insurrectionary tactics having 
failed, the disfranchised Chittagonians turned to alternate 
option and employer! every trick in the hag to frame an 
ostensible reason to endue their demand for the Islamic state. 
The initial ruse, which conjured a claim to the Arab ancestry 
out of the shipwreck story, was subsequently subverted and 
supplanted by equally fabulous accounts laying claim to 
various origins of ethnicity. The fanciful claim, either 
evolving from or in contradiction to the old story, has no 
shortage of challenges. Let us now get at the truth of the 
befooling claim. 

The purpose of this treatise, in a factual study, is to 
reveal the real seity of so-called Rohingya, and thus put the 
ridiculous claim to the good judgement of the international 
community. The author is not a historiographer, nor pretends 
his work to a scholarly analysis or scientific accuracy. In due 
presentation of his case„ in response to the vicious 
speculations generated by the Islamist separatists, the author 
avails himself of the official records, such as The British 
Imperial Gazetteer, Burma Gazetteer, Burma and Bengal 
Censuses, and the works of noted British historians, which 
served as the benchmarks for writers and journalists alike, 
who were guided by professional ethics. As a matter of 
fact, the internationally acclaimed English scholars-cum- 
administrators number among those who are considered as 
the undisputed authority on the history of Rakhaing, or 
Arakan as it is referred to, and its inhabitants through their 

1 6 Preface 

intimate knowledge of the land on the strength of extensive 
historical researches and archeological works carried out by 
them who served in the Imperial British Administration and 
involved with Burma, and especially Rakhaing. Unlike the 
self-asserting apologists and amateurish publicists of today, 
let alone the so-called Muslim historians, the noted scholars 
had no reasons to be governed by egocentric motives* 
looking for a quid pro quo, to serve the interests of one 
group or the other of the subject peoples. The names of 
historical places and people, other than those known locally, 
are quoted as appeared in the works of eminent scholars, 
whom the author acknowledges his deep indebtedness. 


Rakhaing., as it is today,, was inveterately under populated 
in the past, relative to over crowded East Bengal. To make 
the matters worse the racially and culturally homogeneous 
land was almost depleted by the Burmese upon their 
conquest. When the British took over Rakhaing from the 
Burmese in 1 825, it was a land of depopulation; fewer than 
one hundred thousands of the indigenous residents were 
reported to he found there. The Akyab District, formerly the 
center of Rakhaing monarchy, was the most desolated. 

John OgiLvy Hay, J. P., (Formerly Honorary Magistrate 
of Akyab) states: 

It is well known that then Arakan and 
Tenasserim came to our possession they were 
so depopulated, and so unproductive, that it 
was seriously deliberated whether they should 
not be restored to Burrnah. In Arakan the 
population was estimated at about 100,000 
souls. These are indigenous inhabitants; .... 

However, as the country became settled under the 
British rule the exiled Rakhaings returned from Bengal to the 
native land in waves, who had been forced out by the 
Burmese or who escaped during the first Anglo-Burmese 
war, which ended the calamitous rule of Burmese tyrants, 

Phayre writes: 

Numbers of descendants of those who fled in 
troublous times from their country and settled 
in the southern part of Chittagong, the islands 
of the coast, and even the Sunderbuns of 
Bengal are gradually returning; and during 


1 8 Rohingya Hoax 

the north-east monsoon boats filled with men, 
women and children, with all their worldly 
goods, maybe seen steering south along the 
eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal to return to 
the land of their fathers abandoned thirty or 
forty years before. They have told me that in 
their exile the old men used to speak with 
regret for its loss, of the beauty of their 
country, the fertility of the land, which 
returned a hundredfold, the heavy ears of 
rice, the glory of their kings, the former 
splendour of the capital, the pagodas, and the 
famous image of Gotama, now carried away 
(a gigantic of brass carried off by the Burmese 
to Ava, where it is now ) from the sacred 
Mahamuni temple near old Arakan, the 
former capital, with which the fortunes of 

■ 4 

the country were mdissolubly united. 

At no point of time in the past ? either in the era of 
Rakhaing monarchy or the Burmese occupation of the 
country, was there documented in the historical ingredients 
existence of a group of Muslims in the name of Rohingya in 
Rakhaing, nor was there a clan by that name registered in the 
official documents prevailing during the British rule of the 
land. The records of the Imperialist British Administration 
show the principal races, tribes and castes, with the 
composition of population, in the Akyab District. 

Akyab District Gazetteer, 1906: 

Indigenous Races 
Arakanese ( 239649 ) ? Burmese (35751), Kamis 
(11595 ), Mros (10074),Chins (9415),Daingnets 
( 3412 ), Chaungthas ( 247 ) and Thets ( 232 ). 

Non-indigenous Races 
British ( 209), Eurasians ( 158 ), Chinese ( 439 ), 
Shaikhs (152074) s Saiyyads(l254), Pathans(126), 

Races and Tribes 1 9 

Zakbadis(l 08), other Muslmans (1325), Sudras 
(6016), Kayasths( 2888), Uriyas( 625), Brahmans 
(398), Chatris ( 377), Dhobis ( 263 ), Waddars 
(233), Nats ( 226), Burua Maghs (165 ), Cherries 
(164), Dams (143), Malas (142 ), Marabans (125) 
Banias (1 14 ) and other Hindus Castes ( 2 104). 5 

The British Imperial Gazetteer: 

Of races, the Arakanese (239,600) showed the 
highest aggregate in 1 90 1 . The Burmans were 
only 35,800 in number, the Kamis 1 1,600, the 
Mros 10,100, and the Chins 9,400. The three 
last are hill tribes who inhabit the north and 
east of the District. Other indigenous tribes 

are Dafngnets (3,400) and the 

Chaungthas (250) and Thets (230)..... .The 

greater part of the non-Arakanese element is 
foreign. More than 150,000 inhabitants are 
Bengalis or the offspring of Bengalis, from the 
adjacent District of Chittagong. 

The statement of 1872 J 901 and 1911 Censuses: 

Races 1872 1901 1911 

Hindu 2,655 14,455 14,454 

Mahomedan 58,255 154,887 178,647 

Burmese 4,632 35,751 92,185 

Arakanese 171,612 239,649 209,432 

Shan 334 80 59 
Chin, Taungtha, 

KhamLDaingnet 38,577 35,489 34,020 

Others 606 1.355 1.146 

Total 276,671 481,666 529,943 7 

The above official records bear testimony to the non- 
existence of a Muslim race, called Rohingya, in the land of 
Rakhaing at any time. The falsehood of their claim is clearly 
evident. It will further be noted in our discussion. 


Stripped of the preposterous claim, the so-called 
Rohingya are not the descendants of Arab castaways, but 
generations of Chittagonian Muslims migrated from Bengal 
during the British rule of Burma. Racially, the dark-skinned 
individuals belong to the ethnic group of adjacent Bengali 
land, who are referred to by the generic term Dravidians. 
Demographically, the alleged Rohingya, who represent a 
segment of the Muslim community in Burma, lived almost 
entirely in the Rakhaing state, gathering in the border area of 
the northwest corner of the region, which is the projected 
territory of the emulous Islamic enclave. The bulk of 
purported Rohingya are illiterate. They are rural peasants and 
manual workers. Over them in the leadership position are a 
sprinkle of tall and fair-skinned Punjapis, Sindhis„ Palhans 
and the likes, likewise immigrants from the British days, who 
exploited the working class and elevated to landowners, 
entrepreneurs and civil servants. This influent and affluent 
group is exclusively urban, with little contact among the 
great majority of rustic Dravidian stock. Being the elite of 
the Muslim society and ambitious politicians, the educated 
few are the brain capable of conceiving and directing the 
efforts of the separatist movement. All of the professed 
Rohingya, regardless of the colour of skin, speak the Bengali 
dialect of the Chi tta gong District in East Bengal. Older 
generations, who received their education in undivided India, 
speak fluent Urdu, the national language of Pakistan. 
Considering the inherent mastery of the non-Dravidian few 
who maintained implicit loyalty to Pakistan, over the agrestic 
majority who attached explicit sentiment to the Bengali 
roots, one cannot help from recalling the racially complex 
political situation and the government machinery of old 
Pakistan where the Urdu speaking minority West Wing 
bossed the larger Bengali East. Apparently, the legacy will 
continue to linger on in the self-styled Rohingya community. 


Who Are They? 2 1 

C.E. Lucas Phillips, a Brigadier General in the British 
Fourteenth Army, who fought on the Arakan front during the 
Second World War, clarifies who the fictive Rohingya are: 
Arakan is a province of Burma that has a 
character all its own." 
The two main strains of the population, 
mutually hostile, divided by race, language 
and religion, were of Muslim and Buddhist 
persuasions respectively. The Buddhists, to 
whom the term b Arakan ese' was in these 
parts especially applied, belonged to a tribe 
or strain known as Maughs or Mughs. 
The Muslims had their origin in the district 
of Chittagong, in the Bengal province of 
British India, and all Muslims, whether 
natives of Arakan for generations or recent 
immigrants, were known as Chittagonians, 
or in the British forces, as 'CFs'. ,., 
A bewildering babel of languages was 
spoken by these people. The Arakanese 
spoke a dialect of Burmese, but the 
Chittagonians stuck to the Bengali of their 
homeland, but, if educated, spoke Urdu 
as well. 

Given the striking similarity of ethnographical pattern 
between the fictitious Rohingya and the people of East 
Bengal, they are undoubtedly akin to each other, belong to 
the same stock, adhere to the same religious creed, speak the 
same dialect and remain wedded to the same cultural mores 
of the District of Chittagong, All the same, the alien 
Chittagonian Bengalis beguiled the general public into 
believing them a new race distinctive from their brethren in 
the Bengali land for the simple reason that they happened to 
be illegally residing in someone's backyard, which borders 
on thetr homeland. 

22 Rohingya Hoax 

The perfect example is the Mexican immigrants in the 
United State of America, who speak Spanish, belong to the 
same ethnicity, profess the same religion and share the same 
set of culture patterns with their folk in Mexico. They have 
never claimed, nor will they ever be recognized as a people 
racially different from the Spanish stock in Mexico just 
because they are on the other side of the common border and 
known as Latinos. The same goes with the Bengali Muslims 
whether they live in the Rakhaing state or the abutting 
Muslim nation, who are known as Kula (Pali term for the 
alien race) to the Rakhaings or Chsttagonians to the British, 
or by whatever names of figment they hankered after, they 
are no different from the people of their old country, 
racially, linguistically and culturally. For that matter the 
Rakhaings or Arakan-ese, who are contemptuously called 
Maghs (smearing racial slur) by the Bengalis, are not 
different peoples in view of the fact that they are known by 
different names, whether they live in Rakhaing proper, or in 
exile in various parts of the Bengali land, unmitigated 
racially and culturally, whose forefathers fled their native 
land upon the Burmese invasion. 


The Chittagonian secessionists attempted to make a 
fool of their origin, who claimed to be the hybrid race of 
Arabs, supposedly different from the Bengalis. As we have 
discussed in the preceding chapter their claim conclusively 
contravened the historical and official records. It was only a 
contrivance to politicize the separatist movement and thus to 
consolidate their influence on the wrangling demand for a 
free Islamic state for the illegal immigrant Muslim minority. 

A viable solution to the issue of biological blending of 
the so-called Rohingya is not far to seek as to whether they 
are of Arab descent or of Bengali origin. The documentary 
evidence, which disproved their claim, can now be attested 
by the scientific breakthrough. It all comes down to the 
DNA diagnostic evidence. The question whether or no 
genetic connection to the people of adjoining Bengali land 
can be decided if the fictitious Rohingya have gut to put 
themselves to an official DNA diagnostic test; hence, the 
establishment of their true ethnicity. An ideal case in point 
is the African Americans; a good deal of their roots has been 
traced, with the help of the modern DNA technology, back to 
various ethnic groups, in Africa Further fllomg, it was the 
DNA diagnosis that established genetic connections of the 
American Indians to the natives of Siberia, whose ancestors 
migrated into Americas some 20,000 years ago. The same 
scientific techniques also identified genetic link between the 
vanished peoples, Phoenicians and Canaanites. 

Since the scientific method is at one's disposal to 
help verify the genetic characteristics of a people, it is not 
difficult to ascertain who the pretended Rohingya are and 
wherein they originated. The exponents of new-fangled ideas 
about the ancestry of Active Rohingya are expected to trade 


24 Rohingya Hoax 

upon the 21 sl century DNA technology and vindicate their 
claim so that the individual hereditary characteristics of self- 
styled Rohingya aTe determined whether the exponentially 
proliferated Muslims in the Rakhaing state are Bengali in 
flesh or Arab in blood, 

A matter of interest is that the British colonialists, 
who ruled Burma as part of the Indian Empire, distinguished 
the Indian immigrants from the Burmese citizens by means 
of smallpox vaccination marks; the former inoculated in the 
right arm and the latter in the left, which may still be visible 
on the older generations of nominal Rohingya. 



The infiltration of Chittagonian Bengalis into the land 
of Rakhaing spreads out like water on a blotter. Owing to 
geographical contiguity Rakhaing has long been the harbour 
of massive illegal Chittagonian immigration from across the 
border since the British colonial days. It all began with the 
occupation of the land by the British, who ceded it under the 
Treaty of Yandabo (1826) to the Presidency of Bengal, 
which had its headquarters at Chittagong. Being a trading 
enterprise the British East India Company promoted the rice 
industry in Rakhaing and a large numbers of cheap labourers 
were imported from the Chittagong District. A high level of 
the inflow of Chittagonian immigrants has historical records. 
Hay states: 

In 1855 the population of Arakan had 
increased about 366,310,-- ■■ The vast increase 
was chiefly due to immigration from 
provinces now under British rule, giving 
unequivocal testimony in favour of British 
Government and institutions. 

The spate of Chittagonian immigration was reported 
in The Burma Gazetteer by R.B. Smart, who was (Deputy 
Commissioner) Settlement Officer of the Akyab District: 
The labourers from Chittagong come partly by 
the direct steamers of the British Indian Steam 
Navigation Company to Akyab, by Messrs. 
Turner, Morrison and Company*s steamers to 
Maungdaw, by the Arakan Flotilla steamers 
down theNaaf to Maungdaw or just across the 
Naaf into the Maungdaw township. Large 
numbers also come by boat from Chittagong 
ports to engage in the carrying trade. A few 
boatmen from the Madras and Bombay coasts 
are also to be met with. 


26 Rohingya Hoax 

Friend of India and Statesman states: 

About a tenth of the population of Chittagong 

migrate annually to Arakan, where the 

demand for labour is much greater than 
at Chittagong;... I3 

Arakan News, August 4, 1877, avers: 

Then, again, Chittagong has an over- 
abundance of population - say 487 to the 
square mile-while Arakan has only about 24 
to the square mile. The former can not find 
employment or raise sufficient means to pay 
their highly rated revenue, 'and about a tenth 
of the population of Chittagong migrate 
annually to Akyab, where the demand for 
labour is much greater than at Chittagong;' 
thus the trade of Akyab helps to pay the 

taxes of Chittagong, At present it is the 

interest of the Commissioner of Chittagong 
to encourage this, as by the earnings of his 
people migrating to Akyab he has less 
difficulty in realizing his revenue. 

1881 Burma Census, Arakan Division describes: 
It will be noticed in the above statement that 
76 per cent of the resident population of 
Akyab are natives of the District, while 18.6, 
Chiefly Chittagonians, are from Bengal. 15 

Burma Census, 1872, describes: 

In the Akyab District, including, as it does, 
the busy seaport town of the same name with 
a population of 19, 000, the proportion in the 
total population is 86.76 females to every 100 
males. This disparity is accounted for by the 
large yearly immigration from India of male 
labourers ( the collector of Chittagong says 

The Chittagonian Influx 27 

there are annually 15,000 emigrants from 
Cox's Bazar alone to Arakan). The population 
among Buddhists is 90 females to every 100 
males, while among Mohomendans (who form 
about 20 per cent of the population of that 
District) the proportion is 79,91 to every 100. 


1872 British Bengal Census mention?: 

Passing to the Chittagong Division, it is not 
surprising to find an excess of 55,000 
females in Chittagong. Chittagong is the 
district which mainly supplies lascars or 
native sailors for vessels trading in Indian 
waters, it also supplies Arracan with labour 


during the cold season. 

Burma Gazetteer notes: 

Since 1879, immigration has taken place on a 
much larger scale and descendants of the 
slaves are residents, for the most part, in 
the Kyauktaw and Myohaung townships. 

Smart gives the number of Chittagonians who settled 
in each township of the Akyab District as of 191 1 : 
Akyab township: The Arakan ese are in the minority 

in this Locality, no less than 60 percent being 

Natives of India, mostly Chittagonians, 
Akyab town: The population is mixed, comprising 
Buddhists ( J 2, 864, chiefly Arakanese ), 
Hindus and Mahommedans, notably Bengalis 
from the Chittagong coast (24,103) and 
other denominations ( 926 ). 
Rathedaung township : The Chittagonians in the 
township so far number only 10,718, out of 

7 1 

the total population of 56,789. 
Angumaw: The village has a population of 
1,107, of whom 434 are Chittagonians. 

28 Rohingya Hoax 

Atet-nanya: The village has a population of 

1,051, and about 600 are Chittagonians. 
Kudaung: The population of the village is 1 >679 T 

with a few Chittagonians. 
rvlyinbu: The village has a population of 1,156, 

with a few Chittagonians. 
Pethadu; The village has a population of 1,295, 

of whom 200 are Chittagonians. 
Ponnagyun township: The population is 51,805, 

only 1,905 are Natives of India. " 
Pauktaw township: The Native of India population 

is only 4,341 out of 45,350. 23 
Sindamaw: The village's population of 1,832 is 

predominantly Chittagonians. 
Minbya township: It has a population of 47,795, 

of whom 5,619 are Natives of India. 
Kyauktaw township: Out of a population of 55,280, 

Chittagonians and other Natives of India 

number about 20,000. 2S 
Apaukwa: Out of a population of 1,003 in the 

village, about one-half are descendants 

of the early Chittagontan settlers. 
Kyaningan: A village of 1,045 residents, and 

all are Chittagonians. 
Thayettabin: Out of a population of 1,447 

souls, 550 are Mahoniedans. 
Kyauktaw town: It has a population of 2,494, 

of whom 478 are Mahomedans. 
Larnutabin; The village has 1,013 residents, 

and most of them arc Chittagonians. 
Paiktheywa: The village has a population of 

1,200; seventy-five per cent of whom 

are Chittagonians, descendants from the 

early settlers. 

The Chlttagonian Influx 29 

Shwepya: The village's population of 1,876 

is almost entirely Chittagonians, the 

offspring of early settlers. 
Taungdaung Hay a: The Chittagonians number 
874 out of a total of the village's 

population of 1,016. 
Myohaung township: The Chittagonians are to 

be found scattered over the whole township. 
Kyaukkyat: The village's population is 1,094, 

and most of whom are Chittagonians. 
Myohaung: The population is 2,882, of whom 

Natives of India number only 434. 

Buthidaung township: Out of a total population 

of 63,679, no less than 33,850 or 53 per 

cent are Chittagonians, 29 
Badaga : The village has & population of 2,254, 

of whom 1,308 are Chittagonians . 
Buthidaung: Out of 1,123 residents, about one 

third are Natives of India. 
Gwazon : The village has a population of 

1,287, half of them are Chittagonians. 
Migyaunggyi : The village's population of 

1,616 is purely Chittagonians. 
Paungdawbyin : The village has a population 

of 1,081, all Chittagonians. 
Dodan : Out of 1,436 residents in the village, 

two-third are Chittagonians, 
Phonnyoleik: The village has a population of 

2,301, and 1,592 are Chittagonians. 
Sangotin : The village has 1,016 residents, 

and one-half of them arc Chittagonians. 
Seinhmyinhya: The majority of village's 

1,145 residents are Chittagonians. 
Sudaung: There are 1,249 residents in the 

village, all Chittagonians. 

30 Rohingya Hoax 

Tetminchaung; All the residents of the village, 
numbering 1,110, are Chittagonians, 

Theindaung : The village has a papulation of 
1,002, most of whom are Chittagonians. 

Zaditaung : All 1,259 residents of the village 
are Chittagonians. 

Maungdaw township: The population is 13 1,134, 
giving a density of 230 per square mile, the 
highest in the district. Of the total population 
no less than 77 per cent are Chittagonians. 

Aseikkya : The village has a population of 

1,453, mostly Chittagonians. 
Baguna : The village's population of 1,588 is 

almost entirely Chittagonians, 
Gotcha urg : The village has a population of 

1,294, most residents are Chittagonians. 
Indin : The village has a population of 1 ,240, 

more than half are Chittagonians. 
Intula : Out of a population of 1 ,03 1 in the 

village, one-third are Chittagonians. 
Kamaungseik : The village has a population of 

1,904, mostly Chittagonians. 
Labawza : The village has a population of 

1,403, all of whom are Chittagonians. 
Lamgthe : The village has a population of 

1,667, most are Chittagonians. 
Maungdula: The village's population of 1,076 

is entirely Chittagonians. 
Laungdon : The village has a population of 

1064, mostly Chittagonians. 
Maunghnama : Most of 1,095 residents of the 

the village are Chittagonians. 
Mingalagyi: All residents in the village are 

Chittagonians, numbering 1,253. 

The Chittagonian Influx 31 

Myinhlut: The village has a population of 

1,815, most are Chittagonians. 
MyoLhugyi: The village has a population, of 

1,763, mostly Chittagonians. 
Ngakura: The village has a population of 2, 174, 

mostly Chittagonians. 
Nyaungchaung: The village has a population 

of 1,078, all are Chittagonians. 
Pandawbyin; The village has a population of 

1 ,304, the majority are Chittagonians. 
Saingdaung: All of the village's population, 

numbering 1,551 are Chittagonians. 
Satonbok: All 1,009 residents are Chittagonians. 
Shweza: The village has a population of 

1,397, mostly Chittagonians. 
Maungdaw: It has a population of 2,023, chiefly 

Chittagonians and Arakanese, 
Tettobyin; The village's population of 1,180 

is composed mainly of Chirtagonians. 
Thawinchaung : The greater number of 1,031 

residents are Chittagonians. 
Thazegon: Out of a population of 1,299, 

over a thousand are Chittagonians. 
Thetkaingnya: The village's population of 

1,034 is entirely Chittagonians. 
Udaung: The village has a population of 

1,581, all Chittagonians. 
Ushingya: All 1,013 residents of the village 

are Chittagonians, 
Yedwingyun: The village's population of 

1,130 is made up of Chittagonians. 
Yenaukngatha: Out of 1,185 residents, most 

of them are Chittagonians. 
Zebine-haung: All of the village's population, 

numbering 1,156, is Chittagonians. 

32 Rohingya Hoax 

The excessive inroad of Bengali immigrants took place 
during the time when Burma was a province of British India, 
Thereupon, the Chittagonians freely flooded the Rakhaing 
region in order to meet the great demand of labour for the 
rapid expansion of rice cultivation, which promoted the 
British commercial in Lures Lb. Even after separation from it, 
India remained the chief economic partner of Burma to the 
advantage of the British, who turned the dormant alluvial 
plains of Rakhaing into granary, which became the potential 
source of rice export. The vast majority of migrant Indians 
were employed principally in the agricultural sector. Some 
were engaged in trade and commerce, and clustered in the 
urban trade centers, especially at the ports where capital and 
goods accumulated. The port city of Akyab which was built 
by the British, rose to a commercial center with British firms 
dealing in the rice trade, and became the magnet for the 
Chittagonian immigrants. 

1872 Burma Census states: 

The most northern Division in Arakan, the 
chief town of which is Akyab, with a population, 
of 19,230, situated at the mouth of Kaladan 

River and immigration from the adjoining 

district of Cliittagong have contributed to swell 
the number of its inhabitants. 33 

Rakhaing, the land of forbidden terrain, entirely 
depends on the waterways for the sole means of catering the 
needs of public transportation. Introduction of the British 
steamships further conduced to the increase of Chittagonian 
immigrants, who were the core of mercantile marine, plying 
inland rivers and the coastal waters. 
Burma Gazetteer observes: 

The carrying trade, which is practically 

confined to waterways, is in the hands chiefly 

of Chittagonian boatmen, 

The Chittagonicm Influx 33 

Prior to the British occupation of Rakhaing there were 
some Bengali Muslim settlements of slave labourers in the 
township of Mrohaung, formerly Mrauk-U (the last seat of 
Rakhaing monarchy), and particularly in the Kyauktaw 

Burma Gazetteer describes; 

The Arakan kings in former times had 
possessions all along the coast as far as 
Chittagong and Dacca, and many Mahomedans 
were sent to Arakan as slaves. Large numbers 
are said to have been brought by M in Raj a-gyi 
after his first expedition to Sundeep.... 

M anri cc Col li s writes : 

These men, Moslem residents of the riverine 
villages of eastern Bengal, had been kidnapped 
by Christian slavers { Portuguese) and sold by 
them to the king of Arakan for labour in his 
rice fields. 36 

All the same, the rice cultivators of slave ancestry, 
who settled along the Kaladan River, have long been 
absorbed by the Chittagonian arrivals in later times. 
To quote Smart: 

Chittagonians have made certain villages 
on the banks of the Kaladan their home for 
generations, and their numbers are constantly 
being increased by fresh immigrants. 

Speaking of a time gone by, the Rakhaings used to be 
proud of the slam (salute) accorded to them by the Bengali 
coolies who worked for them: 
Phillips notes: 

General ly , the Arakanese owned the land and 

the Chittagonians tilled it for them. 

34 Rohingya Hoax 

In process of time the Buddhist Rakhaings, who 
owned the land, were pushed out of their homesteads by the 
immigrant Chittagnnians. 

Smart remarks: 

That the Arakanese are gradually being 
pushed out of Arakan before the steady 
waves of Chittagonian immigration from the 
west is only too well known. 

The influx from Chittagong is still continuing 
gradually driving the natives of Arakan 
further east. 

Needless to say, almost all of the aforesaid towns 
and villages, which originally founded by the native 
Rakhaings ( the names speak for themselves ) were 
swamped and even taken over by the Chittagonians, 
particularly in the Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships. 

Smart asseverates: 

Maungdaw township has been overrun by 
Chittagonian immigrants, Buthidaung is 
not far behind and new arrivals will be 
found in almost every part of the district. 41 

Looking back upon the upsurge of Indian immigration, 
Rakhaing was not the only region flooded by the 
Chittagonian coolies but the rest of the country, lower Burma 
in particular, was profoundly affected by the influx of Indian 
labour due to the expansion of economic development by the 
British, especially following the opening of the Suez Canal 
in 1 869. As part of massive transmigration from the Indian 
sub-Continent (which was the keystone of British Empire) 
that accompanied the British colonial expansion, Burma had 
the greatest Indian impact in all Southeast Asia. 

The Chittagonian Influx 35 
G.D.E. Hall describes: 

At the beginning of the century Indians were 
arriving in Burma at the rate of 250,000 a 
year, and the number was rising steeply each 
year. In 1.927 it touched the peak figure of 
480,000. 42 

Milton W. Meyer writes: 

Indians came to practice professions, engage 
in money lending, and provide cheap manual 

William E. Curtis notes: 

Burma is a part of India for administrative 
purpose, but is very different in every respects. 
Even the wages are three times as much as 
those paid for the same sort of labour in India. 
This brings many Hindus across the bay to 
work in the rice paddies, upon the other 
plantations, and in teak forests. 

Frank fi_ Carpenter states: 

Rangoon (the capital of Burma) has people of 
every nation and almost every tribe of the 
Asiatic continent. In its population of nearly 

350.000 there arc .,and more than 100,000 

Indians from different parts of Hindustan. ** 

The alarming proportions of Indian immigrants 
during the annexation period prompted the Burmese to 
demand for immediate full responsible government and 
separation from India, and as a result the British authorities 
constituted a commission in 1939, with the express purpose 
to restrict the Indian immigration. The mandate, however, 
was never put into effect as it was swept away by the Second 
World War, 

3 6 Ro h ingya Hoax 

Hall writes: 

Faced by increasing Indian immigration and 
economic competition, the Burman feared that 
his country might one day become a vassal 
state of an Indian commonwealth ruled by 

The tremendous surge of immigrants from the Indian 
sub-Continent into Burma is indisputable; for that matter the 
process of Cbittagonian migration and the settlement in the 
land of Rakhaing, as we have discussed earlier, is a stubborn 
fact that cannot be confuted; hence it lays emphasis on the 
factuality that the professed Rohingya, who slyly claimed 
to be the descendants of Arab castaways, are none other than 
generations of immigrant Bengali Muslims, the same people 
as their co-religionists living in the Chittagong District. They 
both belong to the same ethnicity, and are similar in the 
language, culture, habits, social usages and behavioral traits. 
Over and above they entirely resemble each other in person, 
features and countenance. 



The Rohingya stratagem, ostensibly designed to 
attain social status, was infused with the Islamic politics 
and racial bigotry. The Chittagonian separatist movement 
was dedicated to the Islamic nationalism and self- 
identification of the Muslims as a political polity, with their 
religion and culture intact. On this account, the alien Muslim 
minority in the Rnddliist land of Rakhaing were irrevocably 
opposed to any measure that would necessarily result in a 
majority-Rakhaing rule under the constitution framework of 
the Federal Union of Burma, Goaded by the Islamic 
separatist ideology of the Muslim League of British India, 
and following in the footsteps of Pakistan, which was created 
out of Hindu dominant India, the alien Chittagonians 
envisaged the opportunity to institute an Islamic state in 
Rakhaing. Thereupon, the banner of Islamist secessionist 
movement was raised in 1948 in the infancy of nationhood, 
through a parallel operation of political and military fronts, 
under the leadership of the Muslim Congress, which was 
rooted in the Islamic nationalism and Bengali heritage. 

Absorbed in the domestic politics in the days of corrupt 
practices by the politicians in power, the Muslim activists, 
having committed themselves to seeking guarantees for the 
rights of a Muslim state, ran for parliamentary candidates 
and acquired cabinet portfolios disproportionate to their 
numbers. In the same breath the Chittagonian separatists 
took up arms against the host country with the 
support of external patrons, which gave them fund, arms, 
training and sanctuary, especially Pakistan, which was 
enthused by the prospect of extending its territory beyond 
the eastern border in a bid to establish a greater Islamic 

38 Rokingya Hoax 

nation. For a period of time the Mujtahid insurgents 
threatened to take over the Maungdaw and Buthidaung 
townships, and extended menage to the township of 
Rathidaung, and even the port city of Akyab, the 
administrative center of the region. 

In June L951, at the time when the country was hard- 
pressed by the multi-colour insurgency and the momentum 
of Islamic separatist movement was at its height, the 
beleaguered government was blackmailed with a long list of 
constitutional demands for the creation of North Arakan Free 
Muslim state as detailed in the "Charter of Demands of 
Arakan Muslims 1 ' (Appendix-I). The measure was well in 
line with the strategy of the Muslim League, which 
demanded the constitutional reform of British India that laid 
the foundation for Pakistan. As specified in the Charter, 
which adopted some of the Fourteen Points of the Muslim 
League^ the movement propounded its goal of which was to 
bifurcate the Rakhaing land and secure an autonomous 
territory for the alien Muslim minority in the frontier area, 
separate from the indigenous Rakhaings, hence independent 
from the majority rule of the Buddhist. 

The Mujtahid separatists explicitly defined the exact 
geographical boundaries of the proposed Muslim state, 
which would encompass the Maungdaw and Buthidaung 
townships, plus part of the Rathidaung township and also 
half of Akyab, the administrative seat and port city. The free 
Muslim state, slated to he constituted in the status of a 
condominium, should have the right to establish its own 
defence force, police and security units. Thus was put the 
Union of Burma in the gravest state of vulnerability, with the 
profound effect on the defence, the integrity of territory, the 
peace and security. The sovereign nation of Burma will 
never ever countenance an Islamic state, under the rule of 

The Islamic Politics 39 

illegal immigrant Muslims, located right on the common 
border with their former homeland, the very Islamic nation, 
whereto the Chittagoman secessionists laid a plan to accede. 

The illegal immigrant Muslim minority wanted parity 
with the Rakhaing majority in defence, administration and 
management, with special rights and protection in order to 
warrant safeguards. Drawing on the lessons of Pakistan, 
which lost the main cities and the great centers of 
government of British India on the partition, and perhaps 
East Pakistan's imbalance of political representation of the 
two wings in the central government of Pakistan, the 
Chittagonian separatists laid down in their demand division 
of Akyab city into Muslim and non-Muslim zones to be 
administered on a fifty-fifty basis, with priority being given 
to Muslim co-administrators of higher rank over the non- 
Muslim counterparts in rotation of the term of office. The 
Chittagonian Muslims, who were in the pipe dream of 
establishing an Islamic state, might have been inflamed by 
the ardour of Islamic nationalist movement of the Muslim 
League of India; nevertheless, what should be best known to 
them is the fact that there exists a striking dichotomy 
between the Muslims of India and those in Burma. The 
former being local converts, who were essentially native to 
the land and entitled to the rights of a territory of their own, 
as mandated by the government of British India, whereas the 
latter were unlawful foreigners, who had no legal 
entitlement to the land. The Muslims in Burma, who other 
than illegal immigrants in the post-independence decades, 
were a vintage community of transmigration from India, who 
were imported by the British without the consent and at the 
expense of the natives. They were not indentured labourers 
as the Indian citizens brought to South Africa, nor were they 
native converts recruited through persuasion as in the case of 

40 R oh ingya Hoax 

India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, China, 
the Central Asia or the Balkan States but an immigrant 
community, who are ethnically and culturally distinct from 
the indigenous Mongoloid Buddhists. 

In the light of retrospection, it is apparent that the 
present state of political developments, culminated in peril of 
the national security, was resulted from the manner in which 
the immigrant Muslims were pandered to by the imprudent 
leadership of the defunct political party, who had the least 
foresight what grave consequences their country would come 
to face for all the blunders. The racist Burmese politicians, 
who had inherent contempt for native minorities, adopted an 
attitude to embrace the alien Muslims in a measure to open 
hostilities towards the intensely nationalistic Rakhaings and 
turned against them in every way and by any means, while 
placated the Muslims, whose first and foremost objective 
was to annihilate the Buddhist Rakhaings, Were it not for 
the shortsightedness of unscrupulous politicians of then 
ruling party, which was ridden with graft and corruption, the 
nation could not be saddled by parasitic alien Muslims 
in the years following the national independence. The 
shortsighted political leaders, who had to take into account 
political demands of the illegal Chittagonian immigrants, 
made undue concessions to them. The Muslims enjoyed an 
impact disproportionate to their size. The unwarranted 
favouritism induced the secessionist Muslims to whet their 
political appetites for more power in order to assert and 
rectify their stand. 

Despite all the privileges the corrupted Burmese 
politicians had to offer, the alien Muslims who were 
organized more of a religious movement than a political 
party, abused the Burmese hospitality and rose in rebellion 
without a scintilla of loyalty to the host country where they 

The Islamic Politics 4 1 

found the good Life. They faithfully followed their instinct 
for acting by the dictates of dogged fidelity to their 
faith. The religious preferences had great impact on the 
political position of the monolithic Muslim community. All 
aspects of life were governed by the deeply ingrained faith, 
which had effects on their social, economic interests and 
business routine, 

Insulated by the ethnic cronyism and forbidden by the 
religious bigotry the Chittagonian Muslims did not assimilate 
into the life of the natives, who were regarded inferior in 
fidelity and thus treated as if they were creatures from the 
satanic world, The immigrant Chittagonians, who clung on 
to the traditions of their former homeland, did not tolerate 
the religion of the host country, did not admire native culture 
and did not speak the local language ( except the civil 
servants few). The irreconcilable differences between race 
and religious faith made the two communities, the natives 
and foreigners, diametrically opposed to each other, with no 
inter-relations whatsoever. Enthralled by the insular Islamic 
culture and the aspiration for secession the self-proclaimed 
Rohingya answered to the description of a foreign entity. 
They looked always towards their co-religionists abroad, 
particularly their brethren of the old country, whereto they 
pledged aLlegiance. From the national perspective, the 
religiously motivated Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist 
movement, which resorted to violence and bloodshed in 
order to seize power and establish an Islamic colony, was a 
brazen betrayal to the host country. 


In order to understand the objective and aspiration of 
the Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist movement, it is 
necessary to retrace back to the history and strategy of the 
Muslim League of British India. At the meeting of the 
League, which was held at Lahore in March 1940, its leader 
MnhamiYiftd Ali Jinnah declared that Muslims "must have 
their homelands, their territory and their State. " 47 
Subsequently, a resolution was passed calling for creation of 
autonomous and sovereign Muslim states in areas where the 
Muslims were majority, which were to be welded together 
into a single Muslim nation. A stir of excitement passed 
over beyond India's borders. Driven by the inflammatory 
rhetoric of Jinnah, and modeled on tactics of the League, the 
Muslim leaders, who attended the Lahore conference and 
met with Jinnah, have ever since been agitating for a Muslim 
state in the northern part of Rakhaing, separate from the 
native majority in much a replica of Pakistan. 

To all intents and purposes, inspiration they drew from, 
strategy they employed and tactics they patterned after, all 
marked the Mujtahid separatist movement, a by-product of 
the nationalist movement of the Muslim League , which gave 
birth to Pakistan, wherefrom the Bengalis estranged on the 
ground of language and cultural differences. It was the 
support of Pakistan that sustained the Mujtahid insurgency 
all that long before it was finally put to rout. Being the 
driving force behind the separatist movement and the 
sanctuary, Pakistan refused to extradite the fugitive Mujtahid 
ringleader, Abdul Kassim, who along with most military 
operatives and political activists sought refuge in then East 
Pakistan, while a few of the rank and file surrendered to the 
Burmese authorities as part of an amnesty offered in the 
early 1960V 


The Muslim Brotherhood 43 

At the birth of Bangladesh it picked up the clandestine 
business from where Pakistan left off. A serious plot to elicit 
a full-blown insurrection through out Burma and thus to 
overthrow the government, was discovered in 1977. 
Bangladesh and Libya were covertly involved in the 
conspiracy. Such were the sequence of events that the failed 
subversive attempt led the government, which took alarm to 
the event, to mop up local conspirators, having refurbished 
the national registration which, however, on being instigated 
by the Muslim fom enters, aroused panic fear among the alien 
Chittagonians, and hence touched off the exodus to their 
former homeland. 

The Calcutta Journal, Frontier describes: 

The Rohingya movement drew attention when 
in April 1978 Burma launched Operation Naga 
Min to push the Rohingya 5 Into Bangladesh 
after that country through its military attache' 
in Rangoon along with Libyan assistance 
sought to foment a full-scale rebellion and 
perhaps ultimate annexation by Bangladesh of 
Arakan areas in Burma. It seems that at the 
last moment General Zia reverted to a neutral 
stand signaling the collapse of Bangladeshi 
adventure. In fact, the Rohingyas have received 
low level support from across the border ever 
since 194& when they expressed their desire to 
join their Muslim brothers as part of Pakistan. 

The Operation Naga Min, which became victim of 
smear campaign as repressive action against the minority 
Muslims, was very convenient for the Muslim manipulators 
politically to rally international opinion around them. No 
government of any sort, democratic or otherwise, is expected 
to condone such an internationally concocted act of 
deliberate subversion committed against the nation, which 

44 Rohingya Hoax 

endangered its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Thus 
was the abortive subversion yet another faggot added to the 
fire of mistrust about the good neighbourliness of the 
Muslim nation. To the Bengali State, there has hardly been a 
notable detente with its neighbours. Apart from the 
unfriendly conduct against Burma, it got entangled itself in 
an altercation with India, which helped it secure 
independence from Pakistan. It was the Bengali nationalism 
that sparked up former East Pakistan to fight for freedom 
from the dominant West Wing and consequently established 
a secular nation which, however, was transformed into an 
Islamic State, embracing the Islamic nationalism with the 
infectious result that there mushroomed some 64,000 
madrasas, and generated a great number of Islamic 
fundamentalists, whose influence on the local politics would 
further erode its relations with the countries next door. 

To make the matters worst, a new breed of Mujtahid 
found hospitable home in Bangladesh, whose advent to 
national independence incited them to reactivate the 
decadent Mujtahid separatist movement under disguise. The 
extremist Rohingya Solidarity Organization, the Arakan 
Rohingya National Organization and the Arakan Rohingya 
Islamic Front received protection of the government and 
moral support of the general public, especially the press 
which made favourable campaign for the cause of the 
Chittagonian separatists. Other than Bangladesh, the 
Mujtahid-rurned-Rohingya enjoyed support of the 
governments and/or radical Islamic groups of Pakistan, 
Jammu and Kashmir of India, Libya, Afghanistan, Indonesia 
and Malaysia. Dr. Ahmad Kamal, a leader of the separatist 
movement, was given refuge in Malaysia and became 
politically active in connivance of the Malaysian Islamic 
Youth Movement. Also distinctively implicated in the 
intrigue were Saudi Arabia, the mainstay of global network 

The Muslim Brotherhood 45 

of Islamic fundamentalism, (where the Mujtahid 
separatists had an office in Riyadh), and the Organization of 
the Islamic Conference. Capitalizing on the situation 
stemmed from the Bengali refugee crisis, which was blown 
out of proportion, Saudi Arabia's Prince Haled ben Sultan 
ben Abd el-Aziz, commander of his country's unit in the 
1991 Gulf War, on his visit to Bangladesh called upon the 
United Nations Organization to take measures against Burma 
similar to the military action against Iraq. 

The best of the joke is that Burma did not invade 
Bangladesh or any nation; on the contrary it was the victim 
of concerted subversion, ganged up on by the radical Islamic 
nations, which were devoted to the achievement of global 
Islamization. The fact of the matter is that the Gulf War, 
occasioned by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, was initiated by the 
United States primarily to defend Saudi Arabia which, 
however, in the name of jihad, was deeply involved in the 
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the country that had 
given protection to the kingdom in the fulfillment of its 
obligation to an ally. It was the worst enemy attack on the 
American soil in the nation's history. Amazingly, Saudi 
interior minister Prince Nayef expressed, in November 2002, 
his doubt about the attacks being carried out by the 19 youths 
( 17 were Saudis ), or Osama bin Laden or al-Qaeda, but 
posited that the Zionists were behind these events. It 
seems ridiculous that even Osama bin Laden *s own media 
outlet, the Pakistan-based al sahaab produced a film, The 
Nineteen Martyrs, which featured the martyrdom wills of 
several terrorists, who carried out September 11, 2001 
attacks. Saudi Arabia, which was in large part the source of 
manpower and financial support to global networks of 
Islamic extremism, earned Washington's enmity, and it was 

46 Rohingya Hoax 

still under intense scrutiny in the United States. That the 
kingdom continued to abet the international terrorism was 
asserted by the United States Senate in the Saudi Arabia 
Accountability Act 2€05. 

The Muslims are governed by the herd instinct and 
united in fighting those who do not support Islam. 
Proliferated into a conglomeration of terrorists, who took to 
heart the fanatic vow to commit mass killing, the Muslim 
extremists, regardless of nationality and race, acted against 
the infidels in pack and co-ordination. A case in point is the 
Afghan war of the 1980s against the Russian occupiers, in 
which the local Taliban fighters were backed by the co- 
religionists from different sects and various parts of 
the world, irrespective of ethnicity and national origin 
including the governments, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, 
who otherwise are opposed to each other. Apparently, 
history repeats itself. The same spirit of Muslim brotherhood 
once again brought together the jihadists from across the 
globe and fought against the Western coalition in Iraq and 
the NATO forces in Afghanistan. 


The sphere of Islamization is intensified by the 
demographic inroad, infused with political manipulation. 
The Chittagonian influx is the most efficacious effort in the 
process to fulfill the long-range objective of Islamization. 
The entire process of Chittagonian infiltration is not only a 
concerted effort, but also a destined action to gain 
demographic control, which was consolidated through a plan 
to eliminate the natives, and as a result the Buddhist 
Rakhaings in the border area of Maungdaw and Buthidaung 
townships became a virtual minority, who felt threatened to 
the very existence in their ancestral land. The growing 
Chittagonian immigrants, who were gaining strength, vented 
their hatred against the Rakhaings. The elimination of 
Rakhaings was so effectively executed in the unsettled state 
of the nation during the years immediately before and after 
the national independence. 

The 1942 ethnic cleansing of Buddhist Rakhaings 
perpetrated by the Muslims was the most horrible barbarity 
recorded in the contemporary Rakhaing history. When the 
British Administration collapsed after the Japanese invasion 
of Burma in the wake of the Second World War, the 
Muslims who were governed by religion fanaticism and 
racial enmity, made good of the demographic control of the 
impinged area by ruthless and wholesale extermination of 
almost all the Rakhaings in 195 villages in the Maungdaw 
township alone, not to mention the numbers of doomed 
Rakhaings in the township of Buthidaung. Village after 
village went up in flames. The inhabitants, regardless of sex 
and age, were butchered without compunction. The 
Rakhaing population was further reduced by heinous acts of 
atrocity committed by the barbaric Mujtahid rebels upon the 
few who had escaped the 1942 blood bath, and were 


48 Roh mgya Hoax 

resettled in 1946 at their former villages, having them 
repatriated from the refugee camp at Dinajpur in East 
Bengal. The war of attrition, which had claimed tens of 
thousands of lives, left permanent scars of the Islamic 
juggernaut. Having exterminated the great number of 
Rakhaitigs, the resident Chinagonians and land hungry 
Bengalis who poured from across the border illegitimately 
clutched at the Rakhaing property, their inherited lands. The 
alien Chittagonian Muslims who strewed all over the two 
townships, did not want the displaced Rakhaings reestablish 
in their own places, nor were they prepared to return the 
sto len lands to the rightful owners. 

In the aftermath of the Second World War the tactics of 
infiltration was innovated upon a propaganda apparatus 
carried out by the Bengali chapter of the Jamaat-i-Ullah, by 
which young Bengali males were induced to migrate into 
Burma with the fundamental object of seizing power 
(Appendix -II). The Bengalis illegally crossed the unguarded 
porous border at will taking advantage of the precarious 
situation imputed to an all-out insurrection through out the 
Meyer states: 

A common boundary existed with East Pakistan, 
and with a Muslim minority in adjoining 
Arakan, there was some illegal immigration 


from the over populated neighbour. 

The government was unable to effectively maintain 
law and order in the Muslim infested area as the Mujtahid 
bandits, who smuggled the Chittagonian Muslims into and 
rice out of the region, were in control of the outlying stretch 
of the borderland. The price paid for the Mujtahid 
insurgency was too high to bear politically, socially and 

Demographic, islamization 49 

The illegal immigrant Muslims in the Rakhaing state, 
including the refugees, who fled East Pakistan during the 
1971 civil war which gave birth to Bangladesh, herded 
together in the border area, interacting with their cognates 
in the adjacent Muslim nation. They fostered a feeling of 
infringement, yet gambled on living with uncertain future. 
It was precisely the very conscience of guilt that prompted 
the alien Chittagonians to track back to their former 
homeland whenever there was a census undertaken nation 
wide. Nevertheless, such administrative routines were 
exploited to incite complaints about the racial discrimination 
against, and religious persecution of the Muslims, which 
provoked sensational reaction of the Muslim nations, and 
captured the attention of a miscellaneous lot of civil 
liberalists in the West. 

The immigration regulations and security measures 
resorted to in coping with the illegal Chittagonian 
immigrants were subject to carping criticism. The general 
public was more responsive to the Muslim propaganda, 
without taking into account the root cause of the problem, 
and how it was manipulated. They were not frilly aware of 
all the facts behind the invidious publicity generated by a 
cabal of political manipulators, who craftily diverted the core 
issue of illegal Chittagonian immigration into the instigated 
refugee crisis, and the Muslim separatist movement into 
Islamic resistance. Rebellion against the country by the 
illegal immigrant Muslims who demanded to set up a free 
Islamic state which they pledged to incorporate with their 
home land was lost in the astute camouflage of religious 
persecution, racial discrimination and human rights 
violations. In an effort to misrepresent actual events they 
floated a flurry of speculations about the condition of 
Muslims so that the onus of miseries arisen from the dirty 
Islamic politics would rest with Burma. 

50 Rohingya Hoax 

To the advantage of political leverage, the Chittagonian 
separatists used the grubby tactics in order to depict the host 
nation look like villain. The general public, especially the 
West, who conflated all issues related to the Muslims with 
the military dictatorship and racism, seemed to be entirely 
destitute of good feeling towards Burma. The citizens of 
Burma, who have a strong view of the military rule, 
however, are devoted to the cause of national security, and 
committed to the general principles of primary loyalty to 
their own nation. The Westerners, who were all too willing 
to believe in what was procreated by the Chittagonian 
sepaiatists, should open their eyes to reality. It might well be 
within one's grasp how a nation in either hemisphere would 
react if it were in Burma's shoes, where the illegal Muslim 
immigrants from the adjacent nation made efforts by hook or 
by crook to establish an Islamic state in the area bordering 
their homeland, aided and abetted by the radical Muslim 
nations, which shared the centuries- old Islamic inspiration to 
bring the entire world under the umbrella of Islam, and were 
willing to fight for the attainment of it. There is a legitimate 
fear of an Islamic take over of the country. 

Much has been voiced and written in the West, disputing 
the alleged mistreatments of the illegal immigrant Muslims 
in Burma, despite a current rumpus in their own world to 
defend against the threat of Islamic encroachment. It is 
appropriate to make a reference regarding the domestic 
policies of some countries, which were once swarmed with 
the Indian nationals imported by the British imperialists, 
such as Fiji which adopted a new constitution favouring the 
indigenous Fijians over the descendants of Indian labourers, 
and Malaya legalized preferences for the ethnic Malay 
majority over the Chinese and Indian immigrants. In East 
Africa, Uganda expelled all its 45,000 Asians. Tanzania 
slaughtered thousands of Arabs, and nationalized farms. 

Demographic 'Islam 'nation 51 

The West is not entirely exonerative of racism and 
the discriminatory immigration policies. Past and present 
events give evidence of fact. The United States, a nation of 
immigrants, has been expediently struggling with the 
immigration issue. In the aftermath of fhe devastating 
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States 
promulgated the Patriot Act and laid down enactment in 
order to strengthen the national security and safety of its 
borders, and boasted surveillance of militant Islamists. In the 
past anti- immigration measures were adopted, such as the 
Chinese Exclusion of 1868-82 and the Japanese/Korean 
Exclusion of 1906-24. Australia, which was founded by the 
British settlers, enforced its racially discriminatory 
immigration policies until 1973. Europe, which was racked 
by scores of terrorist attacks across the continent, tightened 
up its immigration regulations at the fear of potential 
demographic dominance by the growing immigrant Muslim 
population, the likely source of home grown Islamist 

Some nations in the West, possibly ridden with guilt 
of their own colonial past, seemed to take holier-than-thou 
pleasure in passing critical remarks. Perhaps, those countries 
which were teemed with immense colonies of immigrant 
Muslims, might now realize from their own experience the 
difficulties and troubles of Burma, thus its long and 
demanding task to contain the illegal immigrant Muslims 
who posed the most dangerous threat to the security of the 
nation, To get the true nature of Chittagonian immigration 
issue, and hence the religiously motivated Mujtahid-turned- 
Rohingya separatist movement itself, the Western political 
elite must view its development in the context of historical 
events and political manipulation that shaped the movement. 

52 Rohingya Hoax 

The Muslims are social parasites. Persistence in 
Islamic ideologies and cultural traditions the Muslim 
immigrants generated ethnically homogeneous society, 
which is the key to the Islamic colonization of religiously 
tolerant and ethnically heterogeneous nations. The flow of 
Muslim immigrants swelled the ranks of already massive and 
politically combustible Muslim community fostering a threat 
to the national security of the non-Muslim world. There is an 
enormous growth of immigrant Muslim population in the 
West, who ensconced in the native societies, which gave rise 
to focus on the danger of impending demographic 
dominance. The larger the Muslim community grows, the 
better opportunity for them to exert political power and to 
inflict Islamic influence. 

The specter that haunts the West, obviously the 
Western Europe, is the prospect of inexorable demographic 
Islamization. As is widely recognized and painfully 
bemoaned, the Muslim population, with a high birthrate, is 
rapidly gaining upon the demographically declined West for 
its anemic birthrate. Composing part of the population, 
the Muslim immigrants made up about 3 per cent in Britain, 
10 per cent in France, 6 per cent in The Netherlands, 5 per 
cent in Germany, and the swollen numbers in other 
Western European nations, notabLy Sweden, a country of 
some 9 million people, The Muslims comprised about 2 
per cent in Canada, and 1 per cent in the United States 
(which is about 3 millions). The Guardian columnist 
Madeleine Bunting wrote, "The Muslim population in many 
European cities will obtain majority within 20 years." In this 
context, no one knows for sure if "Londonistan", a mockery 
dubbed by British Journalist Melanie Phillips, might become 
a reality since London already had more than 700,000 
Muslim residents, It is any body's guess about the future of 

Demographic Isiamizaiion 53 

Paris where the notorious suburb of Argenteuii was heavily 
populated by the veiled and robed immigrants, and Berlin 
where the Muslim population had grown next to the 
Christian community. Amsterdam would no doubt fall into 
the ranks. 

The non-Muslim world is faced the hard reality of 
being deiriographically conquered by the Muslims, Europe 
was nicknamed "Eurabia" for its overwhelming Muslim 
population. In North America the ever growing Muslim 
communities were cloven into secluded colonics across the 
continent and the continental United States and Canada 
might one day be dotted with the speckles of 
autonomous Islamic enclaves, flourished under islamic 
aldermen, where no non-Muslims are welcomed ( the land 
and property acquired by the Muslims being not revertible 
under the Islamic law ) 5 nor the infidel law is enacted, which 
is repugnant to the injunction of Islam, but only Shariat is 
implemented. In the non-multiethnic colonies no other 
religions are allowed to be practised, having converted ail 
churches to mosques ( as in the case of the Byzantine 
church of Hagia Sophia), which blare the prayer calts of 
the muessins five times a day ; where schools are turned to 
madarasas, in which no girls are admitted, who are not 
allowed to pursue education or a career either; and where 
burkas covering is, rigidly enforced as the approved dress 
code by fuzzy -bearded, bigamous male chauvinists in 


Islam offers an affront to other religions and cultures, 
having put itself at the highest plane above the rest. It has 
become a fearful phenomenon for its inspiration to dominate 
the entire human race, with all land and property held in trust 
for Allah. Given the swift rise of its culture, Islam is imbued 
with expansionism. Geographic penetration of Islam is more 
dangerous today than it has been before. Exportation of 
Islamic fundamentalism coupled with the increasing inroad 
of Muslims poses a threat to the non-Muslim world, raising 
the question of national security. 

Bound by a fundamental tenet the Muslims are to 
wage jihad wars against the infidels in the name of social 
justice and justification of radical Islam. In the slogan of 
equal rights and independence, the immigrant Muslims 
claimed to fight against the alleged racial discrimination and 
religious persecution in the host countries of other faiths. It 
is against the standards of international norms and morality 
to fight for what is verboten in the Islamic world, where the 
concept of democracy is a mockery under their insular 
religious ideologies; the state of racial persecution and 
oppression of religious minorities, including pogroms is the 
trade -mark; the practice of brutal repression and human 
rights violation is rampant; and the social justice, which 
includes women rights, is ever recognized under the dogma 
of Islamic faith. The Muslims, who justified jihad wars, are 
the last persons on earth who should be critical of others. 

The Mujtahid-mrned-Rohingya, who fused religious 
revival with the Separatist movement are manipulators, In a 
barrage of exaggerated propaganda, which has been 
burgeoning in the Internet and outside mainstream media, 
Burma was made the bad guy just because it resisted 

Isfamlsm v. National Security 55 

Islamization. They mounted a successful propaganda 
campaign to make their separatist movement a show of 
Islamic resistance and struggle against oppression of 
Muslims. Aroused by what seemed to be anti-Burma 
sentiment, perhaps out of antagonism with the military 
regime which responded ferociously to opposition, the social 
libertarians in the West, who hummed the tune of Islamist 
separatists, painted a much different picture of Burma to 
charge it with discrimination against the alien Muslims, with 
respect to the administrative measures taken against the 
disaffected Chittagonian separatists. Burma's realities called 
for actions to strengthen and safeguard its national security, 
ridding itself of leeching Islamist secessionists. The civil 
libertarians in the West are foolishly reluctant to come to 
terms with terrible reality, Burma-bashing, which is now 
fashionable, is not only a ticket to gain popularity with the 
Muslim world, but also an attempt to delegitimize Burma's 
right to self-defence. 

When law and order is menaced and the national 
security and territorial integrity of a county is at stake, 
measures are taken tn enforce security of the nation. 
Circumstances rendered the necessity to take measures to 
resist the Islamist aggression which, nevertheless, drew 
criticism of the West. As a matter of fact, liberty is the 
forfeit a nation paid in justification for its security. Evidently 
the once delusive West now encountered the same problem 
which Burma had long been dealing with, that is, security 
versus liberty. The West, where the growing Muslim 
communities posed serious problems for domestic security, 
was struggling to cope with the hard realities of fevered 
Islamism. The stringent security measures were taken against 
the radical Islamists following a train of devastating terrorist 

56 Rohitigya Hoax 

attacks in America and across Europe. While security 
measures were being enforced at the expense of liberty, 
the paranoiac sophisticates in the West, despite the 
legacy of imperialism and history of social injustice in their 
own nations, made cynical remarks on the non-Muslim 
nations, the victims of Islamic secessionism, in the strain of 
morality. They should not venture their volition to impose on 
others, shoving liberal idealism down the throat. Socratic 
irony is a convenient excuse fur the imperialistic past, so to 

The immigrant Muslims lived at close quarters, as 
part of the Islamization strategy, in order for them to acquire 
political power and social advancement under the cover of 
civil liberty of the host countries. While marking time to 
pursue the ordained objective of converting the natives to 
Islam they imposed political pressure to demand the rights of 
religious minorities and exerted their religious power in the 
communal politics. As dictated by the Koran the Muslims 
practiced the Islamic philosophy to the exclusion of culture, 
language and religious belief of the adopted lands, whose 
social and cultural systems, which Islam set itself against, 
offered them prosperity and success unattainable in their 
old countries. It has become modus operandi of immigrant 
Muslims, who virtually opposed to native mores and 
integration into the local societies, shamelessly made 
political demands to validate insular Islamic jurisprudence 
paving the way for governing the local way of life. 

In the Charter of Demands of Arakan Muslims, the 
Chittagonian separatists set out the Islamic mole of the 
proposed Muslim state, calling for the practice of the laws 
and principles of Sharia through quasi courts under grand 
muftis ( who interpret Islamic laws ); the establishment of a 
Statutory Muslim Council ( Majlis Ismalia )» the madrasas 

IsJamism v. National Security 57 

religious schools and Islamic colleges; and the teaching of 
Urdu, Arabic (the canonical tongue of Islam) and Diniyat 
(Islamic religious instructions) in al! public schools through 
out the country where the Muslim students represent a 
sizable number. In fact, for a period of time extending from 
the early 1940s- to the early* 60s, the Islamic ritualism was in 
full swing in the Maun g daw and Buthidaung townships, 
profoundly inflicting adverse effect on the every day life of 
the Buddhist Rakhaings. 

In the West the trend of Islamization was channeled 
through the political intimidation. The Muslims in the United 
Kingdom (who had created a Muslim Parliament of Great 
Britain ), having put a threat for its support for Israel and 
Iraq invasion, demanded in August 2006 to implement the 
Shariat as part of an effort to prevent further terrorist attacks 
( London having suffered from the 2005 deadly bombing of 
its Public Transportation System ),to mark as public holidays 
the Islamic religious festivals and to dispense Muslim 
schools with state subvention like the Catholic and Jewish 
schools. In Germany, which housed 2,300 mosques and 
where controversies surrounded on the teaching of Islamic 
philosophy in the public schools, the local Islamic Council 
demanded in May 2007 to recognize Islam as an official 
religion. In France, where radical "garage mosques" 
mushroomed, the sheer number of Muslims aroused fears 
over the Islamization of schools. In the United States the 
demand for school holidays on the occasion of Islamic 
religious events was made at the community level, but not 
on the national scale as yet. All the same the first Arabic 
public school was opened in September 2007 in New York 
City, the ground zero of the horrible Islamist terrorist attack, 
where at least two Islamic schools were being scrutinized for 
the intensive Koranic teaching. 

58 Rohingya Hoax 

The growing immigrant Muslim communities were 
gaining influence on foreign policy issues, and making 
assertion in domestic politics. European political leaders had 
to take into account political demands of the immigrant 
Muslims. Former French President Jacques Chirac said in 
September 2006 that the West must avoid every thing that 
would spark tension. The European political elite and 
intellectuals, who were irrationally conscious of political 
correctness, seemed to be intimated by fear of accusation of 
Islamophobia and violent reactions by the resident Muslims. 
Ed Husain, a convicted Islamist extremist in Britain, said, 
"British officials had been too tolerant of Islamic radicalism 
taught in universities and mosques during the 1980s and 
'90s." Observers across the political spectrum concluded 
that the West, which was caught in its own web of 
liberalism, put itself under extortion and intimidation of the 
Islamic terrorism. Only time will tell the full extent of the 
impact of Islam. 

Guided by the ideology of superior fidelity the Muslims 
are opposed to other cultures. The Muslims are not to 
integrate with other systems nor are they to be dominated by 
the infidels, but to govern others. The increased Muslim 
population, which has long been hostile to the cultures of 
adopted countries, poised against the West on the issue 
of integration. The spontaneous and persistent veiling 
fashion, which the Muslims professed for an expression of 
modesty, however, was seen as a powerful symbol to 
manifest the Islamic solidarity, fostering a political statement 
conducive to the Islamic resistance against the Western 
culture and opposition to integration. The futility proved 
itself of idealistic policy of the West to integrate the 
immigrant Muslims in their own societies, which the 
Muslims had forcefully opposed as an offence to the 
teaching of the Koran. 

Islamism v. National Security 59 

Enslaved by the passion of Islamic ideologies, the 
bigoted Muslims are indoctrinated to believe (the younger 
generations seem to be more susceptible to the whim) that 
there are two kinds of peoples, Muslims constituting 
Dar-al-Islam and infidels comprising Dar-al-Harb, and that 
they are better than the other. Accordingly, they assumed as 
of religious right to convert the infidels at the point of the 
sword. The deadly Islamic impulsion had afflicted enormous 
destruction in the past, which as continued today resulted in 
stupendous loss of lives. Violence has been instrumental in 
the success of Islam, including iconoclasm. History stands 
testimony to the expansion of Islam, through the military 
conquest and conversion, expropriating existing pre-religions 
and cultures ( Mecca and Ka'ba, including the Black Stone 
being pre-Islamic ) from a tiny place called Medina in 
Arabia to the extent of present day Muslim world, 
composing of 57 countries in three continents, namely, Asia, 
Africa and Europe, with a billion plus adherents only next to 
the Christendom. The Muslim population continued to grow 
and expand unabated in non-Muslim nations across the 
globe. Geographical isolation did not hinder the Islamic 
expansion. Islam has made headway into Australia, North 
and South Americas as far-off place like the Triborder Area 
of Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil. The Caribbean is no 
exception either. The Muslim population, for that matter the 
Islamist terrorists who loathe the non-believers, have 
increased numerically and geographically. 

In their quest For creating a global caliphate, the 
Muslims set no bound to their ardour to extend the Islamic 
fundamentalism, which in the process has reduced itself to a 
cult of mass murder and suicide. No country, regardless of 
its military might, can adequately protect from the danger of 
Islam. The emergence of Islamic radicalism is manifestation 
of Islamic nationalism, which is instilled and embedded in all 

60 Rohingya Hoax 

segments and at every level of the Muslim communities 
around the world, either Sunni or Shiite, irrespective of 
ethnicity or nationality. Mostly the youngei generations are 
enthralled by the jihadist motivation, yearning for vacuous 
martyrdom and avidly willing to kill indiscriminately. Not 
all Muslims are fundamentalists or terrorists but those who 
committed unjustifiable mass killing of innocent people are 
Muslims either they are associated with the al-Qaeda or 
divergent homegrown groups. While every segment of the 
Muslim world, especially those Muslims living in the West, 
who were indignant at being labelled them as terrorists, none 
had the moral sense to denounce the loss of thousands of 
innocent lives, which had occurred in places, such as the 
American Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, the New York 
Twin Towers, the Pentagon Building in Washington, D.C.. 
the Bah tourist resort and the Public Transportation System 
in Madrid, London or Mumbai, including the bombing 
aboard a Philippine ferry, the deadly siege of the Beslan 
children school in Russia and the Lockerbie bombing. While 
the civilized nations around the world condemned the 
ruthless massacres, it became a ritual in most Muslim nations 
to condone such mass murders, even jubilation was 
displayed over the traumatic disaster of Twin Towers, and 
the actual event of the slaughter was immorally misconstrued 
in the Arab world and the Iranian media (Appendix-Ill). 

The Muslims did not allow others to hold opinions on 
their religion, and the outrageous intolerance was evidenced 
in the ritual murders of two prominent Dutch men, Theo van 
Gogh, the producer of Submission and Pim Fortuyn, resulted 
from their contempt for Islam. A fatwa was issued on the 
life of apostate Salman Rushdie, the author of The Satanic 
Verses, who was accused of blasphemy against Islam, and 
whose knighthood ignited strong protest against Britain in 
the Muslim nations, especially Pakistan and Iran. An 

Islamism v. National Security 6 1 

outburst of rage swept through the Muslim world over the 
Danish caricatures of Prophet Mohammad, and blood-money 
was offered for the heads of cartoonists. An uproar sparked 
over Pope Benedict XVTs reference to a medieval text of 
Byzantine Emperor Manual II Paleologus, which 
characterized the Prophet's teaching as evil and inhumane. 
(Later in 1453 Byzantium was conquered by the Muslims.) 
The murder of a 65-year-old nun in Somalia was believed to 
be in retribution for the Pope's remarks. In the recent past, a 
Hindu bookseller of Lahore in then undivided India, who 
published in 1924 a book titled Rangila Rasa (The 
Debauched Prophet), was murdered subsequently by the 
Muslims. In 1926 a Muslim fanatic assassinated Swami 
Shaddhanand, a prominent Hindu of the Punjab, who was 
active in the movement to reconvert former Hindus who had 
turned Muslims. 

The internationally accepted norms of non-interference 
in the internal affairs of other countries are being flagrantly 
violated by the radical Muslim nations in the name of 
Islamic religionism, So long as the wealthy Arab States 
remain supportive of the Islamic radicalism, implementing 
Islamic ambition devoted to conversion of the entire human 
race, the non-Muslim world will live under the cloud of 
Islamist terrorism; and as long as the radical Islamic nations 
embrace jihad as the legitimate tool to Fight for the 
fulfillment of the Islamic aspiration for the global 
domination, fanaticism will begat violence, endangering 
the international peace and security, the principles of 
democracy and freedom, and the very foundation of human 
civilization. The world has seen Islamic terrorists in action in 
all forms and denominations adhered to the jihadist conceit 
in rising up against the non-Muslim world at the expense of 
hundreds of thousands of innocent lives across the globe. 
Ironically, Saudi Arabia, the chief promoter of international 

62 Rokingya Hoax 

Islamic fundamentalism and Pakistan which housed the 
world's most notorious hatcheries for fanatic jihadists and 
suicide bombers, now found themselves faced by the grave 
danger of destruction by own accreditation, but not by the 
attribution of other religions, which the Islamist 
fundamentalists set against to pulverize through the jihad 
war and subversion. 


The radical Islamic movement is not confined to a 
country or region alone; Southeast and South Asia, the 
Middle East and the West have become hotbeds of Islamic 
terrorism. The countries in Southeast Asia, except the 
Philippines, were once under the influence of Hinduism and 
Buddhism. The 13 a ' century saw the Islamic conquest of 
Indonesia and Malaya. Regrettably, recurrence of Islamic 
fundamentalism, however, turned the traditional Islam into 
virulently radicalized Islam involving in regional politics, 
which posed serious problem for domestic security of the 
region. A pan -regional radical Islamic agenda, engaged in 
the process of local Islamic separatist movements, presented 
a threat to the national security and territorial integrity of the 
Buddhist nations, notably Burma and Thailand; both being 
victimized by the Islamist secessionists, the former faced by 
the rebellion of immigrant Chittagonians who sought to 
establish a Muslim enclave in the Rakhaing state, which is 
adjacent to the Muslim nation, currently Bangladesh, and the 
latter confronted by the revolt of Malay Muslims who 
demanded to transfonn the southern part into an autonomous 
Muslim state, which adjoins the Muslim nation of Malaysia. 
The same is true with the Christian nation of Philippines, 
where the Moro Muslims were waging a war to gain 
independence of the southern Mindanao, which borders on 
the Muslim nation of Indonesia. 

Intrigued in all cases were the governments of Saudi 
Arabia and Libya, which competed against each other in 
promoting Muslim unity and exportation of Islamic 
fundamentalism around the world. Also implicated in the 
affairs were the radical Islamic institutions, both foreign and 
domestic, including the al-Qaeda and the Jemaah Islamiyah, 
the extremist terrorist organization of Indonesia, which 

64 Rahingya Hoax 

looked for the opportunity to link local conflicts involving 
the Muslim separatists, Lent a helping hand in the Muslim 
revolts in the Philippines and Thailand. It was also involved 
in the Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist movement, and 
had influence over Cham Muslims in Cambodia. In this 
setting of the Islamic intervention in the region, Cambodia 
and Vietnam, each with a Muslim community, although 
neither of them borders on a Muslim nation, are not a long 
way behind. The Islamic zealotry to conquer the region in 
its entirety was outlined in the blue-print of two bonds 
circulated in then East Pakistan (Appendix-IV). 

The expanse of Southeast Asia is in the throes of 
Islamization, which might set off a regional crisis. In 
perspective, what has been pursued by the Muslim 
separatists in Burma, Thailand and the Philippines agitating 
for a separate Islamic state, are not isolated occurrences^ but 
they should be seen in the context of the ultimate goal of 
pan-Islamic movement to ingurgitate the entire region in the 
sweep of global Islamic conquest. The Jemaah Islamiyah had 
a plan to create an Islamic Empire (Daulah Islamiah), to be 
ruled by Iman, comprising Indonesia, Malaysia and the 
southern Philippines. 

Had the plan for Islamizution of the Buddhist nations 
come through they would be interfused with the previously 
Islamized lands of Indonesia and Malaysia, rendering an 
effectual bridging of the gaps between Bangladesh and the 
Philippines in the drive for global expansion of Isiam. 
Consequently, it will definitely have an enormous impact on 
Hindu India, with the largest Muslim community, which 
would become the only country that stands in the way of 
meteoric extension of Islam from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
from Morocco to the Philippines, wending its track through 
the Balkan Peninsula and Central Asia. 


Strategy and tactics walk hand in hand in the gambit 
of the Mujtahid-turricd- Rohingya separatist movement. 
Given the fervour of Islamic inspiration, the initial drive of 
enthusiasm was generated based on the religious prejudice 
and racial difference; however, following the setback in 
insurrection the Muslim separatists intellcctualized to lower 
the religious emblem with a view to palliating the radical 
profile of Mujtahid insurgents, which had hitherto been 
anointed with the Islamist fundamentalism. Thereupon, they 
subtly aligned to a secular orientation in order to alter the 
public perception; hence, the moribund Mujtahid separatist 
movement was revitalized, with its base in Bangladesh, 
under the cloak of fictional Rohingya, with a barrage of 
vicious publicity aimed at gearing up the patronage of the 
general public, who did not fully understand all what was 
behind the manoeuvre. The strategy was intended to 
camouflage, in the process of international exposure, the 
wretched image of Mujtahid separatists, who carried out a 
reign of terror and were closely identified with the 
Mujahadin terrorists. In other words, by assuming the new 
identity of different ethnicity, the Chittagonian Bengalis 
purposed a further attempt to serve as the alternative resort to 
the crumbled Mujtahid separatist movement. 

The Mujtahid separatist movement might have been 
resuscitated on false pretense; nevertheless, in reality the so- 
called Rohingya formed radical networks with international 
connections, a formidable global network of Islamist 
terrorists, and fell under the sway of al-Qaeda. Their 
fundamentalist credentials earned the Active Rohingya 
support of the Muslim world and close links with the armed 
jihadist groups in Asia, which were affiliated to the 
al-Qaeda and Taliban. The fictive Rohingya were radicalized 


Rohingya Hoax 

under the sponsorship of the local Bangladeshi jihadists, 
such as Jamaat-e-lslami, and many of them became new 
members of Harakat-ul-Jihad Islami. It may be noted that 
Jihad Movement in Bangladesh was one of the original 
signatories of Osama bin Ladcn's 1998 declaration of war on 
the West. The Rohingya Solidarity Organization and the 
Arakan Rohingya National Organization, the two extremist 
groups, attended the Rabitatul Mujahadin meetings in 
Malaysia in 1 999, sponsored by the al-Qacda-linkcd Jemaah 
I slam iy ah, which like the al-Qaeda sought to develop greater 
cooperation with regional Muslim separatists. 

The statement, which was made public by Osama bin 
Laden at a press interview on September 28, 2001, had 
unequivocal bearing on the involvement of professed 
Rohingya in the al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist networks in 
Southeast Asia. In The Country Report on Terrorism 2005^ 
the State Department of United States noted, "Some 
observers posit possible links between known terrorist 
organizations and two local insurgent groups, the Rohingya 
Solidarity Organization and the Arakan Rohingya National 
Organization.'" The fugitive militants of Jemaah Islamiyah, 
which carried out the 2002 deadly Bali bombing, were 
harboured amidst the so-called Rohingya community 
encamped in Bangladesh. 

Members of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization had 
training with Hizb-e-Islamic Mujahadin in the province of 
Khost in Afghanistan, where hundreds of the alleged 
Rohingya fought along with the Taliban. They also joined 
forces with Islamic militants in Kashmir and Chechnya. The 
Chittagonian separatists, who made no secret of their call for 
jihad war against Burma, recruited veteran fighters of 
Afghanistan war, the core of al-Qaeda jihadists, who arrived 
in Bangladesh via Pakistan. One of about 60 videotapes, 

The al-Qaeda Link 67 

obtained in Afghanistan by the CNN cable network, was 
marked with the name of Burma, written in the Arabic 
script, which contained scenes of military training conducted 
by the Afghan instructors in camps located on the 
Bangladeshi side of the common border with Burma. No 
wonder that these camps, which belonged to the extremist 
Rohingya Solidarity Organization, became a reservoir of 
mercenary terrorist recruits for the al-Qaeda and Taliban. 

The JVlujtahid-turned-Rohingya, who set about trying 
to rally the general public behind their separatist movement, 
bringing it into the vortex of international politics, adamantly 
proclaimed to be fighting for the political rights and racial 
identity in pursuit of a free Islamic state in the northwestern 
region of Burma, Nevertheless, by all accounts members of 
the so-called Rohingya separatist movement, which was 
originated from former Jihadist Mujtahid Organization, 
having rooted in the al-Qaeda doctrine, now became 
internationalized jihadists who fought without borders for a 
new Islamic world order, destined to defeat the West, the 
United States and Israel in particular. 



In seeking to give the extensive currency to their 
separatist movement* the alien Chittagonians achieved most 
of their political objective through accommodating publicists 
and apologists in the West, who were daftly abided by the 
dictates of heretical opinions, which ran counter to what was 
inherently relevant to the land of Rakhaing and its people. 
The apologists, who nursed anti-Burma sentiment, were 
guided more by bias than by reason and turned a blind eye to 
the established facts of history and opted to fall into hearsay. 
The biased mind lost the historical perspective. 

The mavericks in the West, who dabbled in the 
Rohingya mania, were willing to take the words of the 
Chittagonians and even eager to believe in repertoires of lies. 
They should not lose sight of the fact that the fictitious 
Rohingya arc as much compulsive liars as the Islamic 
fanatics, who asserted that the holocaust of the Jews by the 
Nazis during the Second World War was a myth; that the 
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States 
were a Jewish plot, connived by the American themselves; 
and that the 2004 Southeast Asia Tsunami was resulted from 
the effect of atomic bomb explosions conducted by the 
United States, Israel and India. Walid Shocbat, a former 
Islamist jihadist and the author of Why We Want To Kill You, 
admitted, "I must confess that lying was our nature." The 
culture of lying is deeply enrooted in the strain of the 
Chittagonian separatists. 
Scott O' Conner writes: 

Then there is a medley of Indians; a Mullah 
from Chittagong in a long saffron caftan, 

with the air of a refined and travel man 

His people, he says, are faithful and devout; 
but he admits their gift of lying. 50 


The Hypocritical Panderers 69 

Phillips gives a graphic picture of the culture the 
Chittanonian Muslims have been devoted to: 

Masters of intrigue and deception., the 

Chittagomans made extremely good 
Intelligence agents behind the enemy 
lines but, when it came to a clash of 
interests among themselves, they quarrelled 
violently and were awful liars. 

Doubtlessly, there is an unreal and make-believe 
clement in the Chittagonian claim. Despite being shrouded in 
controversy, the fictional Rohingya were inconceivably 
listed as a hybrid race of Arab origin in the bureaux of 
international organizations, government chancelleries and 
the press rooms, without a shadow of doubt about the 
credibility of the claim and integrity of those who made it. 
The treatment of professed Rohingya as a people racially 
different from the Bengali Muslims by the international 
organizations was unfortunate, putting the credibility of such 
institutions at stake, given the indubitable role they played. 
The complicity, bringing the self-styled Rohingya to the 
public notice as a race unlike the Bengali stock, was just not 
tantamount to lending accreditation to the hollow claim, 
hence roused the Muslim agitators to a stem effort to woo 
the public for recognition of the fictional Rohingya a fait 
accompli, but it also tended to foster a bearing on de facto 
validation of the radical Muslim separatist movement itself, 
since the motif of Rohingya was reflexively trumped up as 
an excuse for the unlawful movement. Amazingly, it hardly 
occurred to the supposedly impartial bureaucrats of the 
international organizations and civil libertarians in the West 
to substantiate the fictitious claim. It is important to 
distinguish fact from fiction, truth from lies. 

70 Rohingya Hoax 

Deplorable as it has become, the credulous radicals in 
the West hastily jumped on the Rohingya bandwagon, 
ardently believing in their propaganda, while the evidence 
bespoke otherwise. Propaganda, as commonly conceived, is 
synonymous with lying. Lies do not dispute facts or discount 
value of the research works by eminent scholars. To endorse 
the false identity of Rohingya on reliance in unwarranted 
assertions of the Muslim fibbers is fallibility of judgement, if 
not astninity, because the granddaddies of the Mujtahid 
movement did not designate themselves Rohingya but 
Arakan Muslims, nor was there mention of Arab ethnicity in 
the Charter of Demands of Arakan Muslims, which is the 
manifesto of the Chittagonian separatist movement. 
Pretermission from the said document of the term Rohingya 
proves itself a fake, so does the Arab ancestry factitious of 
what was claimed to be the biological constitution of 
soi-disant Rohingya. Evidently, the term Rohingya was not 
embraced by all Chittagonian Muslims, even among the 
Islamist separatists, A glaring example is the Itihadul 
Mozahadin of Arakan, a faction of the Chittagonian 
separatist movement. 

The crux of the matter is that the industrialized 
nations, because of their reliance upon the foreign sources of 
energy, had all along been cultivating good relations with the 
oil-producing Muslim nations, thus rendering a favourable 
tendency towards Islam; hence the tacit approbation of 
rcligio-political movements. It comes to no surprise that out 
of self-seeking policy the West dissented lopsidedly from 
what was done in Burma to maintain law and order for the 
purpose of safeguarding the national security. For all the 
die-hard sympathetic sentiment towards much politicized 
Islamic separatist movements in the non-Muslim nations, the 

The Hypocntfca J Panderers 7 1 

West was recompensed with terrorist attacks. It was a 
backlash against the liberal policy, and the price of 
appeasement to the Muslims and approbation of the Islamist 

No one needs to be reminded that it was the West, led 
by the United States, which intervened to protect separatist 
Muslims in the 1998 communal conflict between the Serbian 
Police and the secessionist Albanian Army in Kosovo, the 
sovereign territory of Serbia, overwhelmingly populated by 
the Muslims from adjacent Albania. Regrettably, Kosovo 
now turned out the leading exporter of Islamist terrorists in 
Europe. The irony is that New Jersey's Fort Dix Army Base, 
which housed Kosovo's Albanian Muslim refugees in 1999, 
was targeted by six Islamist terrorists, and among them were 
four Kosovo Muslims, who plotted to kill the soldiers of the 
base, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic was brought 
before the International Criminal Court on the charges of 
genocide. The mockery of his trial was that the legal 
wrangling lasted for four years but it reached no conclusion 
on his guilt before the death of the accused. 

In February 2008 Kosovo unilateral ly declared its 
independence, despite the opposition of Serbia and Russia 
( later joined by China and India ), with the support and 
recognition of the United States and European Union, 
except Cyprus, Greece, Spain, Slovakia and Romania, 
which expressed the fear of setting a bad precedent for 
independence of separatist movements in Europe and 
elsewhere, As predicted, the brinkmanship subsequently 
resulted in secessionist conflicts in Georgia's South Ossetia 
and Abkhazia. Russia's support, including the military 
intervention in South Ossetia, mounted tension between 
Russia and the West which opposed the separatist 
movements on the ground of licit sovereignty of Georgia 

72 Rohingya Hoax 

over the two breakaway provinces; ironically, it was under 
the similar circumstance that the West had reversed position 
in the Kosovo question. 

The implication of the West in the Kosovo affaires 
might be seen as a self-protective stunt exploited through 
escapism and appeasement in the prospect of a threat posed 
by the Islamist jihadists who yearned for a worldwide 
caliphate. A good example is the Munich Agreement, which 
was signed by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, 
with the acquiescence of France, with Hitler to the cession of 
Sudetenland to Nazi Germany on his offer for guarantee of 

It is a well known fact that anti-immigrant sentiment 
and invigorating repugnance of Islam ran deep in the West, 
which was trapped in a dysfunctional state of extortion and 
intimidation inflicted by the Islamists. For all the ardent 
Islamophobia, racialist ideology and socio-economic 
discrimination against the Muslims and distrust of Islam in 
their own lands, where outsiders were never made easy to 
feci at home, a host of Western politicians and publicists, 
hypocritically pandered to the Chittagonian separatists in 
favour of their evil passions in the name of social equality 
and human rights. 

Ineomprehensively, a hypocrite from the most unlikely 
quarters, acting on the impulse of uncanny politics, and 
apparently out of self-absorbed motive arising from the 
fesleiing Israel-Palestinian conflict, with a view to pacifying 
the hostile anti-Semitic Islamist fundamentalists, and at the 
same time to decrease the menacing repercussions stemmed 
from the sad plight of Palestinians, established a claim to 
the champion booster of the politicized Islamist separatist 

The Hypocritical Panderers 73 

movements in the non-Muslim nations of Southeast Asia, 
such as Burma, Thailand and the Philippines, having put the 
three instances on the generalized footing of irredentist 
aspiration, As a matter of fact, the question of ethnicity and 
autoehthony, is what that constitutes the stark difference 
between the alleged Rohingya Muslims of the Rakhaing state 
in Burma, who are non-ethnic Bengali immigrants, and the 
Malay Muslims of southern Thailand and the Moro Muslims 
of the Philippines, who on the other hand are native converts 
and are essentially indigenous to the respective land. 

Beating the Chittagonian drums, formidable efforts were 
made to ballyhoo the cause of unlawful Mujtahid-turned- 
Rohingya separatist movement, bruiting their falsified 
statements and aspersion against the Rakhaings, which not 
only served as the wholesale propaganda in the most useful 
and profitable way to the interest of the Islamist separatists, 
but also amounted to generating a make-up history of the 
movement, which the publicist himself professed being 
under documented. The account, which depicted the false 
accusations of inequity leading to the conclusion that 
justified the Mujtahid revolt, in excuse of the alleged failure 
to redress the Muslim grievances, was an utterly exparte 
view on the separatist propaganda which was maliciously 
contorted out of the national and regional political 
developments as well as law enforcement measures put into 
effect locally. The bias towards the Chittagonian separatist 
movement stirred deep resentment among the Rakhaings 
who had intimate knowledge of the tlagitious Muslim 
scheme, and the worst harrowing experience of unbridled 
savagery the Muslim maniacs let loose to kill and to bum. 
Memories run deep among the surviving Rakhaings, the 
author for one, who sought safety in flight to British India in 
1942, a narrow escape from the ethnic cleansing, deadly 
extrusion of the native Buddhists from their ancestral land by 

74 Rohmgya Hoax 

the alien Muslims, well before the Arabs were forced out 
from part of Palestine in 1948, which brought about the 
Arab-Israel conflict and the Muslim hate campaign against 
the West for its pro-Israel stand. 

Make no mistake about the Muslims, they aie 
implacable. One might recall the speech of former Israeli 
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, which was made in the fall of 
2001 in the context of American-initiated road map for peace 
in the Middle East. "In 1938, enlightened Europe sacrificed 
Czechoslovakia for the sake of a temporary, convenient 
solution," said the Prime Minister. tL Don't try to appease the 
Arabs at our expense," he cautioned, Seeing through the 
Islamic prism, the West is the West, there is no distinction 
between nations all are the same imperialist racists, despite 
their desperate efforts to prove otherwise. By the same token 
an infidel is the enemy of Islam regardless of the ostensible 
pro -Islamic stunt, no matter how hard one might exert 
oneself to find favour in the eyes of the Muslims. 

The pander ers, who held an idealistic view on political 
rights and social justice, were dictated by prejudice than 
conscience, and acted within their own obsessive discretion. 
The Clrittagonian separatists are illegal foreigners who have 
no legal claim to the land. They were not in the plight of 
Palestine irredentists who fought to regain their territories 
occupied by Israel, or the Islamist freedom fighters in 
China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Neither could 
they be likened to the Muslim resistant fighters in Chechnya, 
nor the Muslim separatists in Kashmir, Thailand or the 
Philippines. But, on the contrary the alien Chittagonian 
separatists, who were pervaded by the passion of fanatic 
Islam ism, were only in pursuit of an evil agenda to colonize 
the host country, without an iota of loyalty to it. 



The Chittagonian separatists, who were infatuated with 
the spell of Islamic secessionist^ were clearly trying to 
create conditions that would drastically increase involvement 
of the general put) lie in their political agenda through a 
lavish and broad propaganda base instituted with the 
financial help of the wealthy Arab States. They generated a 
flurry of invidious propaganda about the alleged plight of 
Muslims in order to make them look like victims of 
suppression, using clever lies to foment bias against the 
people of Burma. To make the best of the opportunity to 
bring the separatist movement to a centripetal development 
in the political framework of an international crisis, the 
Chittagonian separatists abusively exploited the Islamic 
nationalism to agitate the Muslim world, and the Islamic 
solidarity was consolidated to such a point that the radical 
Muslim minority became a menace to the stability and 
security of the Union of Burma. 

Notwithstanding all the externally colluded efforts in 
the service of their cause, the Chittagonian goal for the 
visionary Islamic state remained unfulfilled, and rightfully 
out of the question. The law of the land stipulates that only 
an indigenous ethnic group is entitled tn the right of a 
state within the Union. The Chittagonians are not eligible 
for the status of an ethnic entity on the licit ground that they 
arc non-indigenous racially and culturally, but are linked to 
the Bengali origin and heritage. Just because they are inside 
the country they do not earn the right to be an ethnic 
minority, no matter how long they have lived in the country. 
This ineligibility criterion poses the insurmountable sine qua 
nam for the edification of the envisioned Muslim state. 


76 Rohingya Hoax 

Thereupon, a seemingly intellectual pretense was cooked up 
to obfuscate the status quo of their ethnicity, and cast off 
the Bengali se]fdom in order to assume the identity of 
Rohingya in exchange, whereby they figured to present 
themselves incognito in forging the status of illegal and not 
so- illegal Bengali immigrants into one of the ethnic 
minorities, in hopes of a good chance to lcgali7e them as 
bona fide citizens of Burma. 

It is the proven fact, in virtue of authentic documents 
cited in the preceding pages, that there has never been a 
group of Muslims in Rakhaing, known as Rohingya, who 
laid claim to genetic connection with Arabs. The unfounded 
claim, despite all bizarre assertions, was only too obvious a 
tool for political purpose than biological heredity. A 
number of factors, other than the above, are at play in the 
contrivance, including creation of an Islamic base for the 
stimulus of enthusiasm in the Muslim world, especially the 
Arab nations, in anticipation to solicit financial aid, and to 
rally political support of the general public for the separatist 
movement through the good offices of oil -rich Gulf States, 
taken into context the impact of preponderant weight Arab 
oil tycoons wielded particularly on oil hungry West. 
Evidently, their strategy brought to fruition in view of the 
consistent flow of financial assistance from the Arabs, and 
the inveterate prejudice the self-seeking West held against 

The Chittagonian separatists professed themselves for a 
non-Bengali race; nevertheless, they had gone amiss with the 
claim given the irrational and inexplicable mass of Muslim 
population numbering hundreds of thousands, bearing no 
relation to the reality of Bengali influx from the heavily 
populated East Bengal, which became East Pakistan in 1947, 
having 46 million inhabitants and a population density of 

Conclusion 11 

1200 people to the square mile, The country, whose 
population continued to grow by leaps and bounds, became 
Ranglariesh in 1 971 , and the recent records put its population 
at 153.6 millions, with a population density of 2970 people 
to the square mile, compared to 47.8 millions and 1 88 per 
square mile in Burma, which is nearly five times the size of 
the former? The Bengali land has been subject to chronic 
destitution as a result of devastating cyclones and floods. 
The vast majority of inhabitants of famine stricken nation 
were wretched poor, who found havens in the sparsely 
populated and relatively bountiful land across its eastern 
border. Hence, on the fringes on both sides of the frontier 
were overlapped by the Chittagonian Muslims. 

The fundamental question the Muslim conjecturers 
and predisposed publicists in the West, who idiotically 
became instrumental in promoting the alien Chittagonian 
cause, utterly missed or purposely boggled to deal With is, 
the settlement pattern of Chittagonian Muslims along the 
Rakhaing coast. The Chittagonian population has a much 
greater density in the north than in the south. The farther 
away a locality lies from the Maungdaw township where the 
alleged Rohingya thronged to the utmost, the less density of 
Muslim population becomes. 
Smart states: 

The Maungdaw township with 230 persons to 
the square mile is by far the most densely 
populated in the district. It borders on 

Chittagnng and the bulk of the inhabitants 

are Chittagonians. The only other townships 
with a density above the figure for the 
district, 103 per square mile, are Akyab with 
17 6 and Rath-edaung 157. In the former 
Chittagonians predominate. ..... Kyauktaw, 

where the Chittagonian population increased 
from 13,987 in 1891 tol9,360 in 1911. 53 

78 Rohingya Hoax 

It is obvious that the Bengali Muslims infiltrated 
from the epicentral Cliittagong District into the adjacent 
Maungdaw township and moved gradually down southwards 
and elsewhere, who at the same time faithfully maintained 
the culture and language of their old country. 

Smart describes: 

The arrivals at Maungdaw spread by various 
routes to all parts of the district and they are 
joined by the Chittagonian settlers resident 
for the most part in the northwestern quarter 
of the district. 

Compared to the Rakhaing state the Chittagonian 
Muslim settlement is insignificant in the Irrawaddy delta and 
on the Tenassarim coast, which lie farther south and away 
from the Bengali land. This demographic distribution pattern 
of Chittagonian Muslims explains the underlying questions 
as to who are the professed Rohingya, what ethnicity they 
belong to, where they came from and why they ensconced in 
the Rakhaing state, the northwestern corner of Burma, which 
interfaces the Chittagong District. 

No matter how vigorous efforts were made to feign 
their origin on the ground of sophism the self-styled 
Rohingya failed to strip of the Bengali identity in which they 
conclusively belong. By all manifestations, the purported 
Rohingya are no distinct from their kinsfolk in the 
District of Chittagong where their genesis appertains, who 
bear a striking resemblance with affinities, which include 
ethnic origin, racial colour, physical stature, physiognomy, 
language, religion, culture, social customs, dietary law and 
habits of dressing and housing. More importantly there is no 
sorcery to explain away the logic of facts with respect to 


Conclusion 79 

the concentration in gross of nominal Rohingya in the border 
area of Rakhaing state, or the possession as their mother 
tongue of the vernacular of the adjoining Chittagong region, 
but not the Arabic, or the term Rohingya itself which is 
undoubtedly Bengali, 

The Muslim conjecmrers, who created the Rohingya 
race, knew better than any body did that there is no getting 
around the fact that the outstretched growth of Muslim 
squatters just about everywhere in the Rakhaing state was 
dire effect of the spillover of Chittagonian immigration from 
the Bengali land, which has been chronically subject to triple 
blight of over population, poverty and natural disasters. The 
extant historical and official records proved beyond doubt 
that the self-proclaimed Rohingya are none other than a 
mammoth conglomeration of Chittagonian Bengalis, 
composed mainly of the British colonial vintage coolies and 
new-sprung arrivals, with a few slave settlers from the days 
of Rakhaing monarchy, who migrated from the Bengali 
land in different times and under different circumstances. 

In making their case, rooting the ethnicity in the Arab 
ancestry, the Chittagonian separatists tempered reality with 
fancy. In spite of the substantive official documents on their 
origin and true ethnicity, the Chittagonians who lived by the 
legacy of lies set up the unqualified claim to a new race in 
order to hide their Bengali identity. Their claim is only a 
politicizing propaganda ploy to institutionalize the illegal 
immigrant Bengali Muslims into an ethnic minority in order 
to influence on the legal advancement for the Islamic state^ 
Those who have very inventive turn of mind are called 
upon to come up with testimony and put their ludicrous 
claim to the tangible proof. Facts are facts. There is no 
historical evidence to support their claim to the entity of a 
new race of Arab ancestry in the assumed name of Rohingya. 

80 Rohingya Hoax 

Until and unless the Chittagonian separatists 
vindicate their claim on the strength of veritable documents 
and genetic match, what they flftserred to be their genetic 
constitution stands in dire need of credibility. Failure to 
answer this challenge only conforms to the rernon strati ve 
polemic that their claim is nothing but an abysmally hyped 
hoax. Evincibly, the so-called Rohingya are invested with all 
the characteristics of Bengali personality; walk like a duck 
quack like a duck, who are they? 



Syllogism is that the Chittagonian separatists dubbed 
themselves Rohingya, having guilefully belied the term, 
to make them seem descendants of shipwrecked Arabs; 
however, the corollary in the stunt is in the negative, there 
has never been a Muslim race by the name of Rohingya; 
therefore, the Muslims in the Rakhaing state are no 
Rohingya, nor are they of Arab descent; and for that matter 
the shipwreck story, which was plotted to centralize the 
inception of alleged Rohingya, was none but a fiction. 

It all began with a tall story, no less fanciful than the 
Arabian Nights, which featured Arab castaways as the 
prirnordiu.m of fictional Rohingya. The story surfaced like a 
bolt from the blue in the early 1950s and the national opinion 
loosed a storm of disproval, factually challenging credibility 
of the account, which was concocted to transmute the 
immigrant Chittagonian Bengalis into a hybrid race in order 
to vitalize their demand for the islamic state. Taking the 
story on the face of it would only be ridiculous; it is merely a 
vehicle devised to convey the imaginary Arabs to a 
convenient rendezvous with the Chittagonian Bengalis in 
order to fake the biological blend of two peoples, who 
otherwise were separated from each other by a bioad 
expanse of land mass; in other words, it is the only viable 
means to feign the conception of fictional Rohingya, 
supposedly a mixture of two races of distinct ethnicity, 
culture and especially locality. 

Long before the breakthrough to the Indian Ocean, which 
occurred in 1487, and Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of 
Good Hope and sailed into Calicut on the west coast of India 

82 Rohingya Hoax 

in 1498, Arabs and other traders, who were primarily 
engaged in the spice trade, plied the Mediterranean, the Red 
Sea or the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean and South China 
Sea through the straight of Malacca, the hub of the world's 
most renowned spice trade route. The commerce on the sea 
routes was conformed to the flow of the monsoon winds, 
and traders who sailed eastward to Malacca via Aden, 
Gujarat and Ceylon, or vice versa, made good use of the 
prevailing winds. In view of the favourable winds and the 
vast oceanic expanse between the spice trade routes and the 
land of Rakliaing, which is located in the Northern 
Hemisphere where the trade-wind continuously blows from 
the North East towards the equator, the circumstance that 
Arab ships being drifted and beached on Ramree Island in 
the extreme north of the estuary of the Bay of Bengal, about 
a thousand miles off the main shipping lines, suggests 
nothing but remote possibility. The facts of geography lend 
discountenance to the seaborne passage to Ramree Island of 
Arabs, the prospective forefathers of professed Rohingya. 

There was report about shipwrecks during the time of 
Maha-taiug Sandra who ascended the throne about 788 AD. 

Burma Gazetteer mentions: 

In his reign several ships were wrecked on 
Ramree Island and the crews, said to have 
been Mahomedans, were sent to Arakan 
Proper and settled in villages. S5 

In reality, the said crew unspecified by race, however, were 
not necessarily Arabs or Muslims, given the fact that during 
that time the traders from the Indian west coast were as 
actively involved in the seaborne trade as the Arabs did. 
Moreover, the Bengali merchants commonly plied in the 
local trade laps along the eastern shore of the Bay. 

The Shipwreck Staty 83 

Supposing that Arab ships were wrecked, say once in a 
blue moon; even so, the question is how many ships 
were involved and at what frequencies might have such 
mishaps taken place in succession, and oddly enough in 
the same vicinity, to the end that there would spring up a 
herd of destitute Arabs who would be responsible for the 
spawning of hundreds of thousands of Muslims in the given 
time. Furthermore, a merchant vessel, unlike the cruise ship, 
is generally manned with a small crew and heavily laden 
with cargoes. On this account, the small number of Arab 
seamen from a few shipwrecks., as alluded to, is 
disproportional to the enormous accumulation of Muslims, 
who called themselves Rohingya, allegedly the descendants 
of Arab seamen. If the mass of fictivc Rohingya were the 
offspring of Arabs, there should have been a large number of 
them. No account has yet been fabricated that hordes of 
Arabs were sent out oversea by the shiploads to establish 
colonies, like the English convicts who were deported to 
found new settlements in what is now Australia. On the other 
hand, the circumstances testified otherwise. The anomalous 
outgrowth of nominal Rohingya, which defies the logic of 
natural birthrate, corresponds to the stupendous increase of 
illegal Chittagonian immigration given the statistics as 
exemplified in the official records. 

Smart notes the increase of Bengali inflow: 

The Mahomedans, who in 1872 numbered 
58,255, had by the year 1911 risen to 178,647. 5(y 

Inexplicably, the swarm of self-styled Rohingya, who speak 
the Chittagonian dialect and fused with the Bengali culture, 
were entirely established in the northwest corner of 
Rakhaing state, which borders on the Chittagong District of 
Bengal, far away from the localities in the south, where the 
Arab seamen were supposed to have made their home. 

84 Rohingya Hoax 

The circumstantial evidences tend to converge upon 
the conclusion that the story of shipwrecked Arabs was a 
garbled account of two episodes, one about the rumoured 
Muslim seamen and the other of the Kamans, having 
incorporated and anachronously corrupted the two events 
which had taken place at different points of time in history. 
In other words* the personification of Arab castaways was 
the embodiment of reported Muslim seamen and Kamans, 
the remnants of followers of fugitive Mogul prince Shah 
Sliujah, who were deported to Ramree Island for the 
perfidious acts perpetrated against the Rakhaing kingdom, 
where they sought refuge. 

An analysis rested upon the basis of the works of 
eminent historians corroborates the analogy between the 
Muslim crew and the Kamans. Phayre, who published 
valuable studies of the early history and antiquities of 
Rakhaing, writes: 

Those of the prince's followers who escaped 
slaughter, were retained by the king of Arakan 
for the same service as that Lhey had held under 
the prince; a bodyguard of archers. They 
became the nucleus of a foreign corps, which 
later was notorious in Arakan for turbulence 
and violence, disposing of the throne according 
to their will. Later still, when they diminished 
numbers their influence was weakened, they 
were deported to Ramri where their 
descendants still retain the name of Kumanchi. 
Though using only the Bumncse language, they 
are Mussulmans in religion, and their 
physiognomy and fairness of complexion still 
tell of their descent from Turks, Afghans or 


so-called Moguls. * 

The Shipwreck Stoiy 85 

D.G.E. Hall, who was Professor Emeritus of the History 
of South-East Asia in the London University, and formerly 
History Professor in the University of Rangoon, writes: 
Such of Shah Shujalr s followers as had escaped 
Massacre were enrolled as Archers of the Royal 
Guard. They made and unmade kings at wilt, 
burnt the palace and preyed upon the land. 
For a brief interval under Sandawizaya 
f 1710-31) there was some semblance of settled 
government. He suppressed the unruly Archers 
and settled them on the island of Ramrcc. 5 
G. E. Harvey states: 

Shujah's followers in 1661 were retained as 

Archers of the Guard They murdered and set 

up kings at will arid their numbers were 
recruited by fresh arrival from Upper India. In 
1692 they burnt the palace and for twenty years 
roamed over the country, carrying fire and 
swoid wherever they went. Finally they were 
broken by a lord who set up as king 
Sandawiziya 1710-31; he deported them to 
Ramee; there, and at Thinganet and Tharagon 
near Akyab, their descender its still exist, under 
the name Raman ( Persian Kaman = a bow ) s 
speaking Arakanese but retaining their 
Mahomedan faith and Afghan features. 

Smart, who often cites Phayre in his work, narrates; 
The local histories relate that in the ninth 
century several ships were wrecked on Ramree 
Island and the Mussalman crew sent to Arakan 
and placed in villages there. They differ but 
little from the Arakanese except in their religion 
and in the social customs which their religion 
directs; in writing they use Burmese, but among 
themselves employed colloquially the language 
of their ancestors. 

86 Rohmgya Hoax 

It is fairly established the fact that the Kamans and 
the Muslim crew of derelict ships, reported to have run 
aground on Ramrcc Island, were collimated characteristically 
to forge them into Arab castaways, having adjusted 
corresponding factors, such as the Islamic faith, alien origin, 
seaborne journey ( the Kamans came to Mrauk-U by sea) 
and the stage setting, which is Ramree Island. According to 
Smart, the Muslim crew scarcely differed from the 
Arakanese except religion, and used Burmese in writing. The 
traits that mark the said Muslim crew are strikingly similar to 
the characteristics of Muslim Kamans, who adapted to the 
Arakanese way of life and used Burmese as the medium of 
communication. Extrapolated from the collocation of 
correlative features, it leads to inference that the Muslim 
crew (cited by Smart) and the Kamans (mentioned by other 
scholars) were the same lot of Muslims, having interfused 
the two cliques and transposed them into shipwrecked Arabs, 
exploiting the ambiguous ethnicity of the Muslim seamen. 

The conjectural twist that transubstantiated racially 
obscured Muslim crew into Arabs only too warrants the 
delusory link between the ostensible Arabs and local 
Chittagonians, since it is unfeasible a task for the latter, a 
people of the Dravidian strain who are Bengali to the core, to 
set up a claim to being descendants of Kamans, taking into 
account the elemental discrepancies between the two 
coteries, such as ethnological composition, language, cultural 
heritage and historical background. The Kamans differed 
from the professed Rohmgya in terms of racial origin, 
physical features and in all aspects of life, save religion. 
Though Muslims by faith, the Kamans took the Rakhaing 
appellations, embraced the native tongue and adopted local 
habits of eating and dressing. The older generations grew up 
learning in the Buddhist monastic schools and some 

The Shipwreck Story 87 

continued to excel in the vernacular literature and Pali (the 
scriptural language of Tharavada Buddhism). On the other 
hand, the self-styled Rohingya, who stuck to the dialect and 
culture patterns of their homeland, lived in a world cut off 
from the mainstream Rakhaing suciely. Ingrained in the 
passion of religious dogmas, the purported Rohingyas are 
exceptionally devout Muslims; elderly men grow beards and 
women wear niqab, Conspicuously, the Kamans settled in 
the southern sector of Rakhaing state, a world apart from the 
fictional Rohingya who were abundantly prolific in the 
northwest area, which verges on the Bengali land. Over 
time, some Kamans moved to localities, such as seaport 
towns of Kyaukpru, Sandoway and Akyab. As of today their 
total population numbered just about a few thousands. 

There is no dispute that the shipwreck story, which 
entrapped itself in incredulity, was hard to convince of facts. 
Thereupon, a radical change came from the number of 
Chittagonian separatists, who vamped up a host of variant 
and incoherent versions about their origin, one contradicting 
and supplanting the other like shifting sands in the Arabian 
Desert. It is becoming more and more evident that the initial 
story fabricated to lay claim to the Arab ancestry, and the 
successive assertions devised to buttress their claim to a new 
race, all turned fiascos. 


The new generations of Chittagonian separatists, who 
invalidated the old shipwreck story, arrogated the liberty of 
option to invent every imaginable tale at their disposal. One 
such insubstantial account is that the alleged Rohingya are 
the offspring of Moorish, Arab and Persian traders who, not 
by accident of shipwreck but out of their own choice, settled 
on the Rakhaing coast during the period between the 9 lh and 
the 1 5 lh centuries. There is no basis in the supposal; 
circumstances contradict it, Evidently, it is only a conjectural 
version based on the reported port calls of ancient Arabian 
voyagers in conjunction with the habitation of ethnically 
assorted immigrant Muslims of the British days, having 
generalized from trade settlements in the past centuries of 
Arabs and Middle Easterners who settled in the trading posts 
on the Malabar coast of India, such as Gujarat, Goa and 
Calicut, the coastal cities in China and the trading ports on 
the Malay peninsular, where the local population converted 
to Islam; and possibly the Indian settlement at Mergui, a port 
town on the Tenasserim coast, sheltered by the Archipelago 
of the same name, which is easily accessible by overland 
route to the Gulf of Slam. 

In order to make a merit of the surmise, the land of 
Rakhaing should have essentially been endowed with the 
triad of internationally marketable products; geographical 
location, strategic to the international trade routes; and 
accessible anchorage, However, none of these elements was 
in any shape or form under the conditions prevalent in 
Rakhaing during the said time frame. First, there was no 
lucrative commercial attraction in Rakhaing; little of 
economic value was derived from the hinterland. Rakhaing 
was not economically feasible in the past, as its economic 
backwardness is still persistent today. Mrauk-U, situated on 


The Middle Eastern Origin 89 

a branch of the Kaladan river, about forty miles from the Bay 
of Bengal, thrived in the foreign trade only in the middle of 
the 16 th century, which mainly dealt in the slave and rice 
trade conducted with the Dutch East India Company 
(founded in 1602), which needed labourers and provisions 
for the development of their projects in Indonesia. Second, 
the land of Rakhaing was outside of the periphery of ancient 
international trade routes. And finally, Rakhaing lacked 
feasible anchorage. 

The present seaports, where the Muslims prospered, 
were developed by the British at a later time. Only after the 
British occupation of Rakhaing that foundation was laid for 
ports to facilitate foreign trade. Akyab was established after 
having removed in 1826 British garrison from Mrauk-U, and 
Kyaukpru in 1 852; and Sandoway, which according to J.K. 
Macrae, Deputy Commissioner of the District circa 1886, 
was still mired in economic paucity and badly in need of 
development, not to make mention of the old days, to attract 
foreigners for trade settlement. Had there been trading ports 
on the seacoast of Rakhaing, prior to their occupation of the 
land, the British would not have developed the Akyab port, 
sheltered by a broad harbour, being the estuary of the 
Kaladan river, with a lighthouse built on Oyster Island, to 
facilitate the British shipping resorting to Calcutta and all the 
head of the Bay. For the same reasons of commercial appeal 
and practicable maritime location that Ramree was 
abandoned for Kyaukpru, and Ann for Sandoway. Similarly, 
during the time span in question there were no flourishing 
ports, with the exception of Chittagong, on the cast coast of 
India, which bounds on the Bay. The potential harbours such 
as Madras, which was founded by the British in 1639, and 
Calcutta was uninhabited until the British developed it in 
1668. The absence of commercially viable port facilities on 
either side of the Bay further abates the possibility of 

90 Rohingya Hoax 

meaningful trade transaction in the Bay's rim by the Middle 
East traders (save the local merchants) during the time 
extending from the 9 th to the 15 l centuries, which in turn 
negates the prospect of their settlements on the Rakiiaing 

In regard to the much said trading ports on the 
Rakhaing coast, one should bear in mind that Rakhaing held 
sway over parts of Bengal, particularly maritime locations, 
such as Sandwip Island, Dianga, Barasil, Decca and Ganga 
Sagara in the Sundabans, in addition to Chittagong, the chief 
trade center under the Rakhaing monarchy in fragmental 
periods for many centuries, which were frequented and 
settled by foreign merchants. Thereupon, any port along the 
coastal strip became part and parcel of the Rakhaing 
territory. Thus, the ports mentioned by ancient mariners in 
their narrations, wherein foreign merchants were reportedly 
established, were not necessarily located in Rakiiaing proper 
itself; and references to such places were made most likely 
out of mere hearsay since the mariners might not have been 
there themselves, nor were they familiar with the geopolitical 
developments taken place in the region. 

Moreover, the Middle Eastern merchants, who served 
as the middlemen, trafficked in the European goods and 
products of the East, such as shimmering silks, ceramics, 
gems and especially spices of the East Indies. Rakhaing did 
not produce spices or any commodity of commercial value or 
luxury to entice the traders from the Middle East; nor was 
there demand for foreign goods, which did not suit a people 
whose social and cultural institutions of millenniums had 
been perpetuated with little change. Furthermore, the 
nationalist Rakhaings„ who coalesced into a homogeneous 
society and embraced Buddhism early on their 
establishment, were noted for xenophobia and repugnance of 

The Middle Eastern Origin 9 1 

Islam . Such being the case, one is compelled to wonder 
aloud what in the world might have prompted the Middle 
Easterners, who were primarily interested in profits and the 
good life, to lead astray and settle in an exotic land with a 
scanty population, which evidently was a place of stagnant 
trade and social antagonism, far-away from the prosperous 
Muslim enclave of Malacca, the famous trade center, 
glutted with coveted goods, where a hearty welcome and 
prosperity awaited them. 

Given the trenchant arguments, the speculated 
settlement in the distant past un the Rakliaing coasL of the 
merchants from the Middle East or the Levant, whom the so- 
called Rohingya claimed to be their forefathers, is just 
another figment of imagination. Amazingly, the Muslim 
story tellers, including the arbitrary heretical dabblers of the 
West, who propounded opposing ideas of the Muslim 
settlements on the Rakhaing coast, made no reference to the 
classic European sources. Definitely, there exist no veritable 
accounts in support of the Chittagonian assertions, which 
include their claim to being descendants of the aborigines of 
Rakhaing land, or the mere transformation into local 
converts, which all rested on the basis of conjecture. 



Importance of keeping Balance of Power between the 
Muslims and the Maghs, the two major races of Arakan 


The Muslims and the Maghs are the two Major and 
Main Races of Arakan. The Maghs predominate in number 
and the Muslims are second in number but much superior in 
fighting qualities, political and economic strength, with great 
historical past and traditions. Arakan prosperity before the 
war was mainly the work of the Muslims who developed 
agriculture and commerce. 

The Maghs and the Muslims should be given their 
own areas of self-government but at the same time united 
under the sovereignty of the Union as the two High 
Contracting parties and races of Arakan for:- 

(1) The Common Defence of Arakan as One Defence 
Unit and 

(2) The Common Administration of Akyab port, 
which concerns both Races equally. 

So far as these two common and collective subjects of 
(1) Common Defence and (2) Common port are 
concerned, to which the Muslims and the Maghs are 
equally interested, the principle of parity should apply 
and each of the two Races should have fifty-fifty (50- 
50) shares in the Administration of the Defence of 
Arakan and Akyab port. 


Appendix-l 93 


It is the commonly accepted International Laws and 
International Relationship that various nations in matters of 
inter peoples relations irrespective of their numbers arc 
regarded not as Majority and Minority but as Equals and 
have equal representation. The principle of the Equality of 
peoples and nations and of the different Federal Units, 
irrespective of number is universally recognized in all 
Federations. The different Units of Federations as in the 
U.S.A. are accorded Equal Representation on the Upper 
Chamber of the Federal Parliament. The 48 states of the 
U.S.A. for instance, have equal representation on the U.S.A. 
Senate (the Upper Federal Chamber) which has got equal 
power willi the Luwer Chamber- the House Of 
Representatives. But still each of the 48 states selects equal 
number of Senators to the senate of the U.S.A. irrespective 
of great disparities in the population of the various states. 
The Lower, the House of representatives, however, 
represents the generality of the people and its quantum of 
representation is based on the ratio of populations of the 
various states. The Senate represents not the people but the 


This principle of parity of people is universally 
recognized in all federations, e.g. the U.S.A., the Federation 
of Switzerland. For instance, in the Federation of 
Switzerland, the Italians, the Germans, the French peoples 
have equal Representation and Rights m the Federal Cabinet 
and Legislature although the Germans are the most 
numerous and form a majority. This should apply to the 
various Race-Units on the Senate of the Union of Burma. 

94 Appendix-I 


The thing in terms of majority of artificial population 
ratios in such vital and basis matters as the common 
concerns of the collective Security and Defence, 
Administration of the Common Port and Representation on 
the Constituent Assembly and the Upper Chamber of the 
Union Federal Legislature shall be utterly absurd and 
untenable. The principle of Parity and Equality of Race- 
Units and Senate should be the rule in such vital matters. 

The demands of the Arakan Muslims are based on the 
principle that the Muslims and the Maghs are the Major and 
Main Races of Arakan and while they should have their 
separate zones of autonomous and Self- Rule they should 
have (1) Common Defence of Arakan and (2) Common 
Administration of the city and port of Akyab. 


The demands in brief are:- 

(1) That North Arakan should be immediately formed a 
free Muslim state as Equal Constituent Member of the 
Union of Burma like the Shan state and the Kareni 
state, the Chin Hills and the Kachin zone with its own 
local Militia, Police and Security Forces under the 
command of the Union. 

(2) That for the purpose of the Defence of the union, 
Arakan as a whole may be treated as a single Defence 
Unit, provided that the following conditions Nos. 
3&4 are fulfilled. 

Append ix-I 95 


(1) That for creating a genuine sense of Collective 
Security, Mutuality and Confidence and in view of the 
great importance of the strategic position the Muslims 
occupy, the principle of Muslim parity of 50 P.C. 
Muslim representation on the Armed Forces and the 
Police, the Regulars and the Irregulars of the Arakan 
Division as a whole should be recognized and 


(2) That Akyab should be recognized as the Common 
Port and City of the North Arakan Free Muslim state 
and South Arakan with the principle of Condominium 
of the North Arakan Unit and South Arakan Unit in the 
City. The Muslims and the Non-Muslims should have 
joint administration of the city and the port with 50 
P.C. of Muslim representation on the Administration, 
Police and Security Force of Arakan. The Mayor and 
the Deputy Mayor, the Commissioner and the Deputy 
Commissioner of Akyab should be a Muslim and a 
Non-Muslim in rotation; the first Mayor should be 
Muslim and the Deputy Mayor a Non-Muslim and the 
Commissioner should he a Muslim and the Deputy 
Commissioner a Non-Muslim for a period of two years. 
For the next term the racial order should be reversed. 

96 Appendix-! 


(3) That the Representative of The Muslims of North 
Arakan Zone should be appointed as Minister for 
Muslim Affairs on the Burma Union Central 
Government just as Minister for Chins Affairs, 
Minister for Kachins Affairs, Minister for Karens 
Affairs have been appointed on the central Government 
of Burma. 


(4) That the North Arakan Muslims should get as a right 
equal representation on the Constituent Assembly of 
the Union with other Units which shall be formed for 
framing the Constitution of the Union and the Muslim 
Demands should be made integral parts of the 


(5) That the North Arakan Muslims should get equal 
representation on the Upper Chamber of the Federal 
Legislature of the Union of Burma with other Units and 
proportionate Representation on the Lower Chamber of 
the Union Legislature. 


(6) That a Congress of Peoples and Races should be 
instituted for looking after the cultural and social 
welfare of the various Race-Units, communities and 
peoples of the Union of Burma, and specially to 
promote amity, goodwill and co-operation among 
them. All communities should get equal representation 
on the Congress of Peoples on the principle of parity. 

Appendix-I 97 


(7) That the Muslims should be guaranteed fair and 
adequate share in the Central Services of the Union 
including the Armed Forces, the Militia, the Irregulars 
and the Police, the Educational Services and Judiciary, 


(8) That complete Religious Freedom and Equality, 
Culture and Educational Autonomy as a distinct 
community and Equal Civic and Economic Rights and 
Liberties should be guaranteed by the Constitution of 
the Union of Burma for the Muslims as a recognized 
Minority according to the principle of the Covenant of 
the U.N.O. Commission on Human Rights and 
Protection of Minorities. These Rights and Safeguards 
should be made Justiceable in the Courts of Law, 

(9) That Muslim properties and business shops destroyed 
or looted or unjustly confiscated should be restored and 
compensated, and the economic freedom and equal 
economic development and welfare of the Muslims 
should be guaranteed and secured. 


(1) That Qazi Courts under a Grand Mufty should be 
established in Burma with powers to administer 
Islamic personal Laws concerning the personal life, 
family, matrimony, inheritance, succession, wakfs, 
etc. of the Muslims according to the principle of the 
Holy Shariat. 

98 Appendix- 1 


(2) That a Statutory Muslim Council (Majlis Ismalia) for 
the proper management of the Religious, Social, 
Educational and Cultural Affairs and Administration 
of the Charitable Institutions, Wakfs, 

(3) Religious Trusts, Mosques, Madrashs, Graveyards, 
Tombs, Monuments and Cultural Foundations of the 
Muslims in the Union of Burma should be formed, 
composed of Muslim representatives and the Ulema, 
to be selected by the Muslims according to the rules 
of the special statute of the Majlis which the Muslim 
members of the Constituent Assembly and the Central 
Union Legislature and the Muslim Conference shall 

(4) (A) The Islamia Schools and Colleges should be 
established with provision for the teaching in Arabic 
Institutions, Islamic History and Culture and the 
Muslims should get fair of the State Aid and Grants to 
Educational., Cultural and Charitable Institutions. 
That provisions for the teaching of Urdu and Arabic 
and Diniyat ( Islamic Religious Instructions ) should 
be made in all public Government schools where the 
Muslim students are considerable in number and 
Urdu schools should not be abolished but further 

(B) That the Muslims shall have complete freedom to 
found and run their own Educational, Religious and 
Cultural Institutions. 

(C) That Urdu should be retained as the medium of 
Instruction for the Muslims in Primary and 
Secondary schools and no language should be 
forced on the Muslims against their will or to the 
detriment of Muslim Culture and integrity. 


Mautig Tha Hla, The Rakhaing, Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural 

Association, New York, 2004, p,66. 

In pamphlets as well as by means of lyric the young Muslim 
males were induced by the Bengali chapter of the Jamaat-i- 
Ullah (the world wide community of Muslims) to emigrate 
into the Union of Burma, the land of abundant food and 
pretty damsels; to marry the native maidens; to convert 
the offspring into Muslims; to translate the Koran (the 
sacred text of Islam) into Burmese; to spread Islam in the 
community; to seek public and government offices; to 
secure the strategic positions in the military; and ultimately 
to overthrow the government. The cynical conspiracy abroad 
was complemented with an equally sneering plan within the 
country that in Rangoon and other cities the Muslim youth 
were offered monetary incentives to venture into winning the 
hand of daughters of the government officials, especially the 
military generals; the higher the status the Larger the award. 
The idea behind it was to stretch the boundary of acceptance 
of Islam by conversion in consequence of conjugality and 
more importantly to influence the elite in power through 
their loved 0*ie&. Significantly, more and more Muslims 
have moved into the previously exclusive Buddhist 
communities. Buying up the real estates, in the traditionally 
Buddhist neighbourhoods, has become a scenario throughout 
the country. They established small cumin unities and kept 
aloof inside the compounds which were enclosed by high 
fences, where possible, strictly guarding their women from 
public view, Seeing through the racial prism or not the 
establishment of micro Muslim colonies was no other than 
the surgical implant of the Islamic cells into the body of the 
Buddhist society. 



Extract from the Report of the Middle East Media 
Research Institute 
By Steven Stalin sky , Executive Director 
August 30, 2006 

"Is it conceivable that Muslims did the killing on 9/1 1? 
Yes, they did. They killed 3,000 people."— Ahmad Al- 
Rub'I, a former Kuwaiti Minister of education. 

"When the towers collapsed. . ,.my lungs filled with air. 
1 breathed in relief, as I'd never breathed before", a 
missive from the chairman of the Syrian Arab Writers 
Association read. 

''Millions across the world shouted in joy: America was 
hit," the independent Egyptian weekly Ai-Maydan 

" I have a sneaking suspicion that George Bush was 
involved in the operation of September 11, as was 
Colin Powell," a columnist for The Arabic -language 
daily Ai-sharq Al-Awsat, Sarnir Atallah, said. 

" I find it hard to believe that people who were learning 
to fly in Florida could, within a year and a half, fly 
large commercial airlines and hit with accuracy the 
towers of the world Trade Center, which would 
appear, to the pilot from the air, the size of a pencil," 
President Mubarak of Egypt told Al-Ahram Weekly, 
on October 25, 2001, "Only a professional pilot could 
carry out this mission, not someone who learned to 
fly for IS months in Florida." 


Appendix- IJJ 101 

Two weeks after the attacks. Sheik Muhammad al- 
Gameia — an Egyptian Iman at the Islamic Cultural 
Center of New York and the American representative 
to Al-Azhar University, the highest religious 
authority in Sunni Islam— gave an interview to one of 
the school's Websites. He said, among other things* 
"If the American knew that the Jews carried out the 
September 1 1 attacks, they would do to them what 
Hitler did." 

More recently* an American Muslim scholar who is 
active in prominent American Muslim organizations 
such as the Council on American Islamic Relations, 
Salah Sultan, gave an interview to Saudi Ai-Resala 
TV. "September 11 could not have been carried out 

entirely from outside [America]— by Muslims or 

others,.,. The entire thing was a large scale and was 
planned within America in order to enable America 
to control and terrorize the entire world," he said on 
May 17. 

Notable conspiracy theories from the Arab world and 
Iran between 2001 and 2004 put the blame for the 
attacks on Jews, Zionists, Christian Zionists, born again 
Christians, the Vatican, Mossad, CIA, National 
Security Council, white supremacist groups, Britain, 
President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Benjamin 
Netanyahu, and many others. 

These conspiracies have continued over the past year. 
"The 9/11 story is> in fact, a Zionist conspiracy/ 5 
an Egyptian cleric, Abd Al-Sabur Shaheen, said on 
Al-Nas July 1(1 

102 Appendix-Ill 

Writing in the Oman daily Al-Watan on June 26, 
Abdallah Hammouda discussed the possibility that 
neoconservative Christians and Zionists planned and 
implemented the attacks. 

The "real facts are not available" to explain what really 
happened on September 11, but besides Al Qaeda, it is 
possible Jews or even the "Americans themselves were 
behind it™ the chairman of the Somali Islamic Courts 
Union, Sheik Sherif Sheik Ahmed, told the Somsliland 
Times on June 9. 

"I said that 9/1 1 was carried out by American agents," 
the deputy chairman Egyptian Parliamentary Committee 
for defense and National Security, Muhammad Abd Ai- 
Fattah, told Ein TV on May 2. 

"I am one of the those who believe these events "of 
September 1 1 " were fabricated from the outset," an 
Egyptian cleric who once lectured in America, Hazem 
Sail ah Abu Ismail, said on Saudi Al-Rcsala TV on 
April 14. 

Throughout September 2005, A 1-Jazeera aired a special 
titled " The Truth Behind 9/1 1." Part IV, which aired 
September 30, was devoted to the Mossad's 
involvement, including "agents.... dancing and cheering 
in front of the World Trade Center." 

On September 13,2005, Iran's Iaame Jam 1 TV aired a 
program on September 1 1 conspiracies, including the 
"true" passengers on the planes that hit the World 
Trade Center and the Pentagon and why 4,000 Jews 
did not show up to work that day. An Iranian TV 
documentary on Sahar 1 TV on September 11, 2005. 

Appendix-Jll 1 03 

A retired Egyptian general, Muhammed Khalef, said 
on Al-Mihwar TV on September 11, 2005, that the 
planning for September 11,2001, began in 1999 at the 
National Defense University. He claimed that Mr. 
Cheney told Mr. Bush, "It was an inside the White 
House job." 

In November 2002, Ain Al-Yaqeen quoted the 
powerful Saudi interior minister, Prince Nayef } as 
saying: "It is impossible that 19 youths carried out the 
operation of September 11, or that bin Laden or Al 

Qaeda did that alone .1 think [ the Zionists] are 

behind these events." Prince Nayefs statement was 
considered shocking and was immediately condemned. 
As NBC reported, it completely undercut a 10 million 
Saudi public relations campaign. 

Unfortunately, as we approach the fifth anniversary of 
the attacks, statements such as Prince Nayefs are now 
readily accepted in the Middle East. On June 22, Pew 
released the results of a survey that asked Muslims if 
they thought Arabs carried out the September 1 1 attacks. 
Only 17% of British Muslims; 48% of French Muslims; 
16% of Indonesians; 32% of Egyptians; 16% of Turks; 
39% of Jordanians; and 15% of Pakistanis answered 


Maung Tha HI a, The Rakhaing, p. 68, 

The Islamic movement is global and its inspiration is to 
dominate the world. A partial outline of the stimulus 
emerged when two bonds were circulated in the early 195(Fs 
in then Hast Pakistan, which crystallized the deeply seated 
ambition for the conquest of the Union of Burma as well as 
mainland Southeast Asia, which the Muslims had failed to 
conquer in the previous centuries. Each bond depicted 
blueprint of a projected territory extending eastwards beyond 
the Pakistani border. One territory included the Union of 
Burma as part of extended Pakistan and the other imbricating 
the former, covered an area consisting of Thailand and 
Indochina, Denominated for one Pakistani rupee, each of the 
bonds would be worth in millions on redemption when the 
territories in question were conquered in two stages. The 
tremor of excitement led the Muslims on both sides of the 
border to hoard the bonds in huge quantities. 



1. Arthur Phayre, History of Burma ( Burma Proper, 
Pegu.Tenasserim , and Arakan ), London: TnibneT 
& Co., Ludgate Hill, 1883, p.41; 

2. Ibid, p. 42; 

(OLD ARAKAN), William Blackwood & Sons, 
Edinburgh and London, 1892. From The Flower News 
Vol.1, No.37,p.3; 

4. Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District, R.B. Smart (Deputy 
Commissioner) Settlement Officer, Akyab, Government 
Printing, Rangoon, 1917, Volume A, p. 84; 

5. Akyab District Gazetteer, 1906, Volume B; 

6. British Imperial Gazetteer, Akyab District, pp.. 193-4; 

7. Burma Gazetteer, Akywb District, p. 86; 

8. The Raiders of Arakan, C.E. Lucas Phillips, 
Heinemann, London, 1971, p.4; 

9. Ibid, p.8; 

10. Ibid,p.9; 

11. Hay, p.3; 

12. Smart, p. 104; 

13. Hay, p.21; 

14. Ibid, p. 19; 

15. 1881 Burma Census, Arakan Division p. 73, 
paragraph 246; 

16. 1872 Burma Census,, Arakan Division, Lt, Colonel 
II. T. Duncan, p. 16, paragraph 79; 

17. 1 8 72 Bengal Census, Dune an, p. 1 4 1 , paragraph 378; 

18. Smart, p. 90; 

19. Smart, p.223; 

20. Ibid,p.224; 

21. Ibid, p. 226; 

22. Ibid,p.228; 

23. Ibid, p.229; 

24. Ibid, p.231; 



25. Ibid,p.233; 

26. Ibid, p.234; 

27. Smart, p.236; 

28. Ibid,p.238; 

29. Ibid,p.238; 

30. Ibid,p.239; 

31. Ibid,p.240; 

32. Ibid, p.243; 

33. Burma Census- 1872, p.9, paragraph 43; 

34. Smart, p. 144; 

35. rbid, pp.89 &90; 

36. Maurice Collis, The land of Great Image, Faber & 
Faber Ltd., p. 130; 

37. Smart, p. 233; 

38. Phillips, p.10; 

39. Smart, p.S8; 

40. Ibid,p.241; 

41. Ibid, p. 90; 

42. D.G.E. Hall's Burma, Hutchinson University Library, 
London, 1950, 56 &60, p. 158; 

43. Milton W. Meyer, Southeast Asia {A Brief History), 
A Littlefield, Adams & Co., New Jersey, 1966, p.55; 

44. William E, Curtis, Egypt, Burma and British 
Malaysia, Flaming H. Company, London, p.252; 

45. Frank G. Carpenter, From Bangkok to Bombay?, 
Doubleday T Page &, Company, New York, 1926, T.47; 

46. Hall, p. 152; 

47. A.C.Banerjee, ed., Indian Constitutional Documents, 
Calcutta, A.Mukherjee and Co., 1946JI, p.408; 

48. Calcutta journal, Frontier, August 30, 1980; 

49. Meyer, p. 121; 

50. V.C, Scott O' Conner, Mandalay And Other Cities Of 

The Past In Burma, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1907, 



51 Phillips, p.9; 

52. The World Almanac, 2009; 

53. Smart, p. 86; 

54. Ibid, p. 104; 

55. Ibid, p. 20; 

56. Ibid,p.89; 

57. Phayre T p.l79; 

58. Hah\p.62; 

59. G.E.Harvey, Outline Of Burmese History, Longmans, 
Green & Co. Ltd, 6&7 Clifford Street, London, WJ, 
Reprinted 1947, p.96-7; 

60. Smart, p.90. 


Maung Tha Hla, who is the author of The Rakhaing, 
companion of the periodical Rakhaing Guardian, is the 
founder president of the Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural 
Association of the United States of America. 

He served twenty years with the Burma Foreign Service, 
which he quit during the tenure of office of Deputy 
Permanent Representative of Burma to the United Nations